اﻟﻧص اﻟﻛﺎﻣل ﻟﻠﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ اﻟﻣطوﻟﺔ ﻟﻠﻣﻠك ﻓﻲ ﻣﺟﻠﺔ أﺗﻼﻧﺗك

أخبار البلد

-ﺗﺎﻟﯾﺎً اﻟﻧص اﻟﻌرﺑﻲ ﻟﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ اﻟﻣﻠك ﻋﺑدﷲ اﻟﺛﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺟﻠﺔ

أﺗﻼﻧﺗك ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻟﻌرﺑﯾﺔ، إﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻧص اﻷﺻﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ اﻹﻧﺟﻠﯾزﯾﺔ.

ﻣﻣﻠﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟوﺳط

ﺑﯾﻧﻣﺎ ﯾدور اﻟرﺑﯾﻊ اﻟﻌرﺑﻲ ﺣوﻟﮫ، ھل ﯾﺳﺗطﯾﻊ اﻟﻣﻠك ﻋﺑدﷲ اﻟﺛﺎﻧﻲ،

أﻛﺛر زﻋﻣﺎء اﻟﻌرب ﻓﻲ اﻟﺷرق اﻟوﺳط اﻟﻣؤﯾدﯾن ﻷﻣرﯾﻛﺎ، أن ﯾﻠﺑرل

اﻷردن وﯾﺣّدث اﻗﺗﺻﺎدھﺎ دون أن ﯾﻔﻘد ﻣﻣﻠﻛﺗﮫ ﻟﺻﺎﻟﺢ اﻹﺳﻼﻣﯾﯾن اﻷﺻوﻟﯾﯾن؟ اﻟﺣﯾﺎة اﻟﻧﺎﺟﺣﺔ ﻟﻣﻠك وﺳط اﻟﻔوﺿﻰ.

ﺟﯾﻔري ﻏوﻟدﺑرغ

ﻣﺎ زال ﻣن اﻟﺟﯾد، ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌض اﻟﻣﻧﺎﺳﺑﺎت، أن ﺗﻛون ﻣﻠﻛﺎً

ﻟﯾس ﺑﺎﻟﺿرورة أن ﯾﻛون ﺟﯾداً أن ﺗﻛون ﻣﻠﻛﺎً ﻟﺑﻠد ﺷرق أوﺳطﻲ ﯾﻔﺗﻘر ﻟﻠﻧﻔط، وﻻ ﺑﺎﻟﺿرورة أن ﯾﻛون راﺋﻌﺎً أن ﺗﻛون ﻣﻠﻛﺎً ﺧﻼل اﺿطراب

وﻋدم ﯾﻘﯾن اﻟرﺑﯾﻊ اﻟﻌرﺑﻲ. وﺑﺎﻟﺗﺎﻛﯾد ﻟﯾس ﻣن اﻟﺟﯾد ان ﺗﻛون اﻟﻣﻠك ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﯾﺑدأ اﻟﻐﻣوض اﻟذي ﯾﻠف ﻋرﺷك ﺑﺎﻟﺗﺑﺧر.

وﻟﻛن ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﯾﻛون ﺳرب ﻣن ﺳﻣﺗﯾﺎت اﻟﺑﻼك ھوك ﻣﺣﺟوزاً ﺗﺣت ﺗﺻرﻓك، وﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﺗﻛون ﻣن ﻧوع اﻟﻣﻠوك اﻟذي ﯾﻣﻛﻧﮫ أن ﯾﺗﺣرر ﻣن ﺿﻐط

اﻟﻣﻠﻛﯾﺔ ﺑﻘﯾﺎدة ﺗﻠك اﻟﺳﻣﺗﯾﺎت ﻓﻲ طول وﻋرض ﻣﻣﻠﻛﺗك اﻟﻣﻐطﺎة ﺑﺎﻟرﻣﺎل، ﻓﺈﻧﮫ ﻣﺎ زال ﻣن اﻟﺟﯾد ان ﺗﻛون اﻟﻣﻠك.

ﻓﻲ أﺣد أﯾﺎم اﻟﺧرﯾف اﻟﻣﺎﺿﻲ، ﺗوﺟﮫ ﻋﺑدﷲ اﻟﺛﺎﻧﻲ اﺑن اﻟﺣﺳﯾن، اﻟﻣﻠك اﻟﮭﺎﺷﻣﻲ اﻟراﺑﻊ ﻟﻼردن، إﻟﻰ ﻣﮭﺑط طﺎﺋرات ﻗرﯾب ﻣن ﻣﺟﻣﻊ اﻟﻣﻛﺗب

اﻟﻣﻠﻛﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺣّﻣر ﻓﻲ اﻟطرف اﻟﻐرﺑﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﺻﻣﺔ ﻋﻣﺎن. وﺧرج ﻣن ﻣرﺳﯾدس ﻣﺻﻔﺣﺔ ﻛﺎن ﯾﻘودھﺎ ﺑﻧﻔﺳﮫ ﺑﺳرﻋﺔ وﻛﺄﻧﮫ ﻣطﺎرد، واﻧدﻓﻊ إﻟﻰ

إﺣدى ﺳﻣﺗﯾﺎﺗﮫ اﻟﺑﻼك ھوك. وﺗﺳﻠق اﻟﻣﻠك -اﻟذي ﺧدم ﻛﻘﺎﺋد ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘوات اﻟﻣﻠﻛﯾﺔ اﻟﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﻛﺎن أﻣﯾراً ﺷﺎﺑﺎً- اﻟﺳﻣﺗﯾﺔ إﻟﻰ ﻣﻘﻌد اﻟطﯾﺎر،

وﺗﺣدث ﻟﻠﺣظﺔ ﻣﻊ طﯾﺎره اﻟﻣﺳﺎﻋد، وھو ﻓرد ﻣوﺛوق ﻣن أﻓراد اﻟﺳرب اﻟﻣﻠﻛﻲ، ﺛم أﻗﻠﻊ، ﺳﺎﺷراً ﺑﻧﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﺟﺎه ﻣدﯾﻧﺔ اﻟﻛرك، اﻟﺻﻌﺑﺔ وﻏﯾر

اﻟﺳﻌﯾدة، واﻟواﻗﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻌد 80 ﻣﯾﻼً إﻟﻰ ﺟﻧوب ﻋﻣﺎن. ﺳﻣﺗﯾﺔ ﺑﻼك ھوك اﺧرى ﻣﻸى ﺑﺎﻟﺣراس أﻗﻠﻌت ﺑﻌد ﻟﺣظﺎت.

ﻛﺎن اﻟﻣﻠك ﯾﺣﻠق ﺑﻧﻔﺳﮫ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻛرك، وھﻲ واﺣدة ﻣن أﻓﻘر اﻟﻣدن ﻓﻲ ﺑﻠد ﻓﻘﯾر إﻟﻰ ﺣد ﻣﺧﯾب ﻟﻶﻣﺎل، ﺣﯾث ﻛﺎن اﻟﻣﻠك ﺳﯾﺗﻧﺎول اﻟﻐداء ﻣﻊ ﻗﺎدة

أﻛﺑر اﻟﻌﺷﺎﺋر اﻷردﻧﯾﺔ، واﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﺷﻛل اﻟﻌﻣود اﻟﻔﻘري ﻟﻠﻧﺧﺑﺔ اﻟﻌﺳﻛرﯾﺔ واﻟﺳﯾﺎﺳﯾﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻷردن. أﻛﺛر ﻣن ﻧﺻف اﻷردﻧﯾﯾن ھم ﻣن أﺻول ﻓﻠﺳطﯾﻧﯾﺔ،

وﺗﻌود ﺟذورھم إﻟﻰ اﻟﺿﻔﺔ اﻟﻐرﺑﯾﺔ ﻟﻧﮭر اﻷردن، وﻟﻛن ﻗﺎدة اﻟﻌﺷﺎﺋر ھم ﻣن اﻟﺿﻔﺔ اﻟﺷرﻗﯾﺔ، وﻗد اﻋﺗﻣد اﻟﻣﻠوك

اﻟﮭﺎﺷﻣﯾﯾنﻋﻠﻰ ﺷرق

اﻷردﻧﯾﯾن ﻟﯾداﻓﻌوا ﻋن اﻟﻌرش ﻣﻧذ أن ﺟﺎء اﻟﮭﺎﺷﻣﯾون ﻣن ﻣﻛﺔ أول ﻣرة إﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎن وﻗﺗﮭﺎ ﯾﺳﻣﻰ ﻋﺑر اﻷردن، وذﻟك ﻗﺑل 100 ﻋ ﺗﻘرﯾﺑﺎً.

وھذه اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ذات ﻧوﻋﯾﺔ ﺑﺎردة اﻟﺗﻌﺎﻣل: ﻓﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑل دﻋﻣﮭم ﻟﻠﻘﺻر اﻟﻣﻠﻛﻲ ﯾﺗوﻗﻊ ﻗﺎدة اﻟﻌﺷﺎﺋر اﻟﺷرﻗﯾﺔ ﻣن اﻟﮭﺎﺷﻣﯾﯾن أن ﯾﺣﻣوا اﻣﺗﯾﺎزاﺗﮭم،

وأن ﯾﺣددوا ﻧﻔوذ اﻟﻔﻠﺳطﯾﻧﯾﯾن. وﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﻻ ﯾﻛون اﻟﮭﺎﺷﻣﯾﯾن ﻣﻧﺗﺑﮭون ﻛﻔﺎﯾﺔ ﻓﺈن اﻟﻣﺷﺎﻛل ﺗظﮭر ﺑﺷﻛل ﺣﺗﻣﻲ.

وﻓﻲ وﻗت أﺑﻛر ﻓﻲ ذﻟك اﻟﯾوم، وﻓﻲ ﻣﻛﺗﺑﮫ اﻟﺧﺎص ﻓﻲ اﻟﺣﻣر واﻟذي ﯾطل ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺟوار اﻟﻐﻧﻲ ﻣن ﻋﻣﺎن اﻟﻐرﺑﯾﺔ، أوﺿﺢ اﻟﻣﻠك ﻟﻲ ﺳﺑب اﻟرﺣﻠﺔ

إﻟﻰ اﻟﻛرك: ﻟﻘد ﻛﺎن ﯾﺣﺎول أن ﯾوﺿﺢ ﻷوﻟﺋك اﻟﻘﺎدة اﻟﻌﺷﺎﺋرﯾﯾن أھﻣﯾﺔ اﻟدﯾﻣوﻗراطﯾﺔ اﻟﺗﻣﺛﯾﻠﯾﺔ، وذﻟك اﺳﺗﺑﺎﻗﺎً

ﻟﻼﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﺎت ﻓﻲ ﻛﺎﻧون اﻟﺛﺎﻧﻲ. وﻗﺎل أﻧﮫ ﯾرﯾد أن ﯾرى اﻷردﻧﯾﯾن ﯾﺑﻧون أﺣزاﺑﺎً ﺳﯾﺎﺳﯾﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻛون ﻣﺟرد ﺣﻣﺎﯾﺔ أﻗﺎرب وﻟﻛن ﺗطور أﻓﻛﺎراً ﻣن طﯾف

أﯾدﯾوﻟوﺟﻲ واﺳﻊ، وھﻛذا ﺗﻧﺷﻲء ﻟﻸردن ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺳﯾﺎﺳﯾﺔ ﻧﺎﺿﺟﺔ.

وﻗﺎل أﻧﮫ ﯾرﻏب ﻓﻲ أن ﯾرى اﻟﻔﻠﺳطﯾﻧﯾﯾن ﻣﻣﺛﻠﯾن ﺑﻧﺳﺑﺔ أﻛﺑر ﻓﻲ اﻟﺑرﻟﻣﺎن، وأﻧﮫ ﯾرﯾد أن ﯾﻔﻌل ﻛل ذﻟك، ﻣوﺿﺣﺎً، دون ان ﯾﺳﻣﺢ ﻟﻺﺧوان

اﻟﻣﺳﻠﻣﯾن -وﻗد وﺻﻔﮭم ﺑﺄﻧﮭم ﺗﻛﺗل ﻣﺎﺳوﻧﻲ ﯾﺗﺣﻛم ﺑﺄﻛﺑر ﻣﻧظﻣﺔ ﺳﯾﺎﺳﯾﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻷردن، ﺟﺑﮭﺔ اﻟﻌﻣل اﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ- ﺑﺎﺧﺗطﺎف ﻗﺿﯾﺔ اﻹﺻﻼح

اﻟدﯾﻣوﻗراطﻲ ﺑﺈﺳم اﻹﺳﻼم. وﺑﻛﻠﻣﺎت أﺧرى ﻓﺈن اﻟﻣﻠك ﯾرﯾد أن ﯾﺟﻠب اﻹﺻﻼح اﻟﺳﯾﺎﺳﻲ إﻟﻰ اﻷردن وأن ﯾﺗﻧﺎزل ﻋن ﺑﻌض ﺳﻠطﺎﺗﮫ ﻟﻠﺷﻌب،

وﻟﻛن ﻓﻘط ﻟﻸﺷﺧﺎص اﻟذﯾن ﯾﻧﺑﻐﻲ أن ﯾﺳﻠﻣﮭم ذﻟك.

ﻛﺎن واﺿﺣﺎً ﺑﺎﻟﻧﺳﺑﺔ ﻟﻲ أن اﻟﻣﻠك ﻋﺑدﷲ ﻛﺎن ﯾﺗطﻠﻊ ﺑﺷوق إﻟﻰ اﻟﺗﺣﻠﯾق ﺑﺳﻣﺗﯾﺗﮫ، وﻟﻛن ﻟﯾس ﺑﻧﻔس اﻟدرﺟﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻠﻘﺎء اﻟذي ﻛﺎن ﯾﻧﺗظره ﻓﻲ

اﻟﻛرك. ”اﻟﯾوم ﺳﺄﺟﻠس ﻣﻊ اﻟدﯾﻧﺎﺻورات اﻟﻘدﯾﻣﺔ". ﻗﺎل ﻟﻲ.

اﻟرﺟﺎل اﻟذﯾن ﺳﯾﻘﺎﺑﻠﮭم، وﻣن ﺑﯾﻧﮭم رﺋﯾس وزراء ﺳﺎﺑق، ﻛﺎﻧوا ﻣن ﻗﺎدة ﺣزب اﻟﺗﯾﺎر اﻟوطﻧﻲ، واﻟذي ﯾﺣظﻰ ﺑدﻋم ﻛﺛﯾر ﻣن ﺷرق اﻷردﻧﯾﯾن ﻣن

اﻟﺟﻧوب، واﻟذي ﻣن اﻟﻣؤﻛد ﺗﻘرﯾﺑﺎً أن ﯾﺳﯾطر ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺻﺔ أﺳﺎﺳﯾﺔ ﻣن اﻟﻣﻘﺎﻋد ﻓﻲ اﻟﺑرﻟﻣﺎن اﻟﻣﻘﺑل.

ﻣﺎ ﯾﻌﺑر ﻋﻧﮫ اﻟﺣزب، إﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻟرﻋﺎﯾﺔ واﻟوﺿﻊ اﻟراھن، ﻟم ﯾﻛن واﺿﺣﺎً، ﺣﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﻧﺳﺑﺔ ﻟﻠﻣﻠك. ﺑﻌﯾد اﻧطﻼق اﻟرﺑﯾﻊ اﻟﻌرﺑﻲ ﻗﺎل ﻟﻲ اﻟﻣﻠك أﻧﮫ

اﻟﺗﻘﻰ ﺑﻌﺑداﻟﮭﺎدي اﻟﻣﺟﺎﻟﻲ ﻗﺎﺋد اﻟﺣزب، وﻗﺎل ﻟﻲ أﻧﮫ ﻗﺎل ﻟﻠﻣﺟﺎﻟﻲ: ”ﻗرأت ﺑرﻧﺎﻣﺟﻛم اﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎدي واﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻲ ، وﻗد أﻓزﻋﻧﻲ، ﯾﺎﻟﻠﺣﻣﺎﻗﺔ

(the crap). ھذا ﻻ ﯾﺣﻣل أي ﻣﻌﻧﻰ، ﻏذا ﻛﻧت ﺳﺗﺻل إﻟﻰ 70% ﻣن اﻟﻣواطﻧﯾن ﻣﻣن ھم اﺻﻐر ﻣﻧﻲ ﻓﻌﻠﯾك أن ﺗﻌﻣل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑرﻧﺎﻣﺟك.

وﻗﺎل ﻟﻲ اﻟﻣﻠك أن ”ﺑرﻧﺎﻣﺞ اﻟﺣزب ﻻ ﯾﺣﺗوي أي ﺷﻲء، ﻓﮭو ﻣﻠﻲء ﺑﺎﻟﺷﻌﺎرات، ﻻ ﯾوﺟد ﺑرﻧﺎﻣﺞ. ﻻ ﺷﻲء". واﺳﺗﻣر:" أرﯾد ﻣن ھذا اﻟﺷﺧص

ان ﯾطور ﺑرﻧﺎﻣﺟﺎً ﯾﻣﻛن أن ﯾﻔﮭﻣﮫ اﻟﻧﺎس ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗل".

ﺣط اﻟﻣﻠك ﺑطﺎﺋرﺗﮫ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻠﻌب ﻛرة ﻗدم ﻓﻲ ﺿواﺣﻲ اﻟﻛرك. ﻗﺎدة اﻟﻌﺷﺎﺋر، واﻟﻛﺛﯾر ﻣﻧﮭم ﺧدم ﻣﻊ واﻟد ﻋﺑدﷲ اﻟﻣﻠك اﻷﺳﺑق ﺣﺳﯾن، ﻛﺎﻧوا

ﻣﺻطﻔﯾن ﻟﺗﺣﯾﺔ اﻟﻣﻠك ﻓﯾﻣﺎ ﻗطﻊ ﻣوﻛﺑﮫ اﻟﻣﺳﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﻘﺻﯾرة ﻣن اﻟﻣﮭﺑط إﻟﻰ ﻗﺎﻋﺔ اﺳﺗﻘﺑﺎل ﻛﺑﯾرة. ﻛﺎن ھﻧﺎك ﻗﺑل وﻣﺻﺎﻓﺣﺎت وﻣظﺎھر وﻻء

ﻟﻠﻌرش، ﺗﻼھﺎ ﻏداء ﻣن اﻟﻣﻧﺳف، وھو ﻟﺣم اﻟﺧرﻓﺎن اﻟﻣطﺑوخ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﺑن، ورﻏم ان اﻟﻣﻧﺳف ﯾؤﻛل ﺑﺎﻟﯾد اﻟﯾﻣﻧﻰ ﻓﯾﻣﺎ اﻟﯾد اﻟﯾﺳرى ﺧﻠف اﻟظﮭر إﻻ

ان ﻟﻌض اﻟﺷوك ﺗم ﺗوزﯾﻌﮭﺎ ﻓﻲ إﺷﺎرة إﻟﻰ اﻟﺗﻣدن.وﻣﻊ ذﻟك ﻓﻘد ﺗم ﺗﻧﺎول اﻟطﻌﺎم وﻗوﻓﺎً ﺣول طﺎوﻟﺔ طوﯾﻠﺔ ﺿﯾﻘﺔ، ﺣﺳب اﻟﺗﻘﺎﻟﯾد اﻟﺑدوﯾﺔ.

وﺑدأ ﺑﻌدھﺎ ﻋﻣل ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌد اﻟظﮭﯾرة. ﻣﺎ ﯾﻘرب ﻣن 30 رﺟﻼً (واﻣرأة واﺣدة ھﻲ اﺑﻧﺔ اﺣد زﻋﻣﺎء اﻟﻘﺑﺎﺋل) ﺟﻠﺳوا ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻧﺑﺎت ﻣﺻطﻔﻰ ﻋﻧد

اﻟﺣﯾطﺎن، وﻗدم اﻟﺷﺎي. وﻗدم اﻟﻣﻠك ﺣﺟﺔ ﺣول اﻹﺻﻼح اﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎدي وﺣول ﺗوﺳﯾﻊ اﻟﻣﺷﺎرﻛﺔ اﻟﺳﯾﺎﺳﯾﺔ، ﺛم ﻓﺗﺢ ﺑﺎب اﻟﻧﻘﺎش. زﻋﯾﻣﺎً وراء

اﻻﺧر -ﻛﺛﯾر ﻣﻧﮭم ﻛﺎﻧوا ﻣﺳﻧﯾن ﺟداً، وﻛﺛﯾر ﻣﻧﮭم ﻛﺎن ﻓﻘط ﻋﻠﯾﮫ ﻣﻼﻣﺢ اﻟﺗﻘدم ﻓﻲ اﻟﺳن-ﻗدﻣوا ﻣطﺎﻟب ﺻﻐﯾرة اﻟﻌﯾﺎر وﺷﻛﺎوى ﺻﻐﯾرة. أﺣد

اﻟرﺟﺎل ﻗدم ﻓﻛرة ﻻھﺗﻣﺎم اﻟﻣﻠك: ”ﻗدﯾﻣﺎً ﻛﺎن ھﻧﺎك ﺣراس ﻟﯾﻠﯾون ﻣﺳﻠﺣون ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺻﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺑﻠدات. ﯾﺟب ان ﺗﻌﯾد اﻟﺣﻛوﻣﺔ ذﻟك، ﺣﯾث ﺳﯾوﻓر ذﻟك

أﻣﺎﻧﺎً أﻛﺛر، وﺳﯾﺧﻠق اﻟﻣزﯾد ﻣن ﻓرص اﻟﻌﻣل ﻟﻠﺷﺑﺎب".

ﻛﻧت أﺟﻠس ﻣﻘﺎﺑل اﻟﻣﻠك ﺑﺎﻟﺿﺑط ﻓﻲ اﻟﻧﺎﺣﯾﺔ اﻷﺧرى ﻣن اﻟﻐرﻓﺔ، ﺣﯾث ﺣﺻﻠت ﻋﻠﻰ اﻧﺗﺑﺎھﮫ، ﺣﯾث ﻧظر إﻟﻲ ﻧظرة

ﻗﺻﯾرة ﺑﻌﯾون ﻣﻔﺗوﺣﺔ. ﻛﺎن ﻣﮭﺗﻣﺎً ﺑﻣﺑﺎدرات اﻟﺗﻘﻧﯾﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﯾﺔ، وﺑﺗﻌﻠﯾم اﻟﺑﻧﺎت، وﺑﺗﻘﻠﯾص اﻟوظﺎﺋف اﻟزاﺋدة ﻓﻲ اﻟﺣﻛوﻣﺔ. وﻟم ﺗﻛن ﻓﻛرﺗﮫ ﻋن

اﻹﺻﻼح اﻟﺣﻛوﻣﻲ اﻟﻔﻌﺎل ﺗﺗﺿﻣن ﺧططﺎً ﻟﺗوظﯾف رﺟﺎل ﯾﺣﻣﻠون اﻟﻌﺻﻲ.

وﺑﯾﻧﻣﺎ ﻛﻧﺎ ﻧﻐﺎدر اﻟﻛرك ﺑﻌد ﺑرھﺔ ﺳﺄﻟﺗﮫ ﻋن ﻓﻛرة اﻟرﺟﺎل ﻣﻊ اﻟﻌﺻﻲ. ﻗﺎل ﺑﺻوت ﯾﺣﻣل اﻹﻋﯾﺎء: ”ھﻧﺎك اﻟﻛﺛﯾر ﻣن اﻟﻌﻣل ﻟﻧﻘوم ﺑﮫ".

رﻛﺑﻧﺎ اﻟﮭﯾﻠﯾﻛوﺑﺗر وأﻗﻠﻌﻧﺎ. ﻛﻧت أﺟﻠس ﺧﻠف اﻟﻣﻠك. ﺳﺄﻟﻧﻲ إن ﻛﻧت أرﻏب ﻓﻲ ﺟوﻟﺔ. ”ھل ﺳﺑق وأن رأﯾت ﺟﺑل ﻧﺑو ﻣن اﻟﺟو؟". ﺣﻠق ﺑﺎﺗﺟﺎه

اﻟﺷﻣﺎل اﻟﻐرﺑﻲ ﻧﺣو اﻟﺟﺑل اﻟذي أرى ﷲ ﻣوﺳﻰ أرض إﺳراﺋﯾل ﻣﻧﮫ ، ﺑﺣﺳب ﻣﺎ ﯾﺧﺑرﻧﺎ اﻹﻧﺟﯾل. ﻛﺎن اﻟﺑﺣر اﻟﻣﯾت ﯾﺗﻸﻷ وراءه ﻣﺑﺎﺷرة.

اﻗﺗرﺣت ﺟوﻟﺔ ﺳرﯾﻌﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻘدس واﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﺑﻌد 30 ﻣﯾﻼً. ﻗﺎل أﺣد ﻣﺳﺎﻋدﯾﮫ ﺑﺎﺑﺗﺳﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺻطﻧﻌﺔ :"أﺑﻧﺎء اﻟﻌم ﯾﺣﺑون أن ﯾﺄﺧذوا ﺗﻧﺑﯾﮭﺎً أﻛﺑر".

”أﺑﻧﺎء اﻟﻌم" ھم اﻹﺳراﺋﯾﻠﯾون.

ﻟم ﯾﺑد ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻣﻠك اﻟﻌﺟﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﻌودة إﻟﻰ ﻋﻣﺎن. ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ اﻗﺗرﺑﻧﺎ ﻣن ﺟﺑل ﻧﯾﺑو ﻣررﻧﺎ ﻣن ﻓوق آﺛﺎر ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﻣﻛﺎور اﻷﺛرﯾﺔ، واﻟﺗﻲ ﺑﻧﺎھﺎ اﻟﺣﺷﻣوﻧﯾون، ﺛم

أﻋﯾد ﺑﻧﺎؤھﺎ وﺗﻛﺑﯾرھﺎ ﻣن ﻗﺑل اﻟﻣﻠك ھﯾرودس اﻷﻛﺑر ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎم 30 ﻗﺑل اﻟﻣﯾﻼد. ﻣﻛﺎور ھﻲ اﻟﻣﻛﺎن اﻟذي ﻛﺎن ﻓﯾﮫ اﺑن ھﯾرودس (ھﯾرود أﻧﺗﯾﺑﺎس)

ﻗد ﺳﻠم رأس ﯾوﺣﻧﺎ اﻟﻣﻌﻣدان إﻟﻰ ﺳﺎﻟوﻣﻲ.

”ھﯾرودس ذاك، ﺷﺧﺻﯾﺔ ﻣﻣﯾزة". ﻟم ﯾﻛن واﺿﺣﺎً أي ھﯾرودس ﯾﻘﺻد، اﻷب ام اﻹﺑن، ﻟﻛن ﻻ ﯾﮭم. ﻛل ﻣﻧﺎ ﻟﮫ ﺧﺻوﺻﯾﺎﺗﮫ. ”ﻟﯾس ﻣﺛﺎﻻً ﻟﻠﺣﻛم

ﺑﺎﻟﻧﺳﺑﺔ ﻟك؟" ﺳﺄﻟﺗﮫ. أﺟﺎب: ”ﻻ، ﻟدي ﻧﻣوذج ﺣﻛم ﻣﺧﺗﻠف".

ﻗﺻر اﻟﻣﻠك ﻓﻲ اﻟﺣﻣر ﻟﯾس ھﯾرودي اﻟﺣﺟم، وﻟﻛﻧﮫ ﻣﻊ ذﻟك ﻛﺑﯾر، ودﯾﻛوراﺗﮫ ﺑﺎھظﺔ، وﻣﻌزول ﺑﺷﻛل ﺟﯾد ﻋن ﺿوﺿﺎء اﻟﻣدﯾﻧﺔ ﺗﺣﺗﮫ. اﻟﻣﺟﻣﻊ

ﻣﻠﺣق ﺑﻣﺳﺟد اﻟﻣﻠك ﺣﺳﯾن ﺑن طﻼل واﻟذي ﯾﺗﺳﻊ ﻟﺣواﻟﻲ 5500 ﻣﺻل. (أﻧﺷﺄ ﻋﺑدﷲ اﻟﻣﺳﺟد ﻟﺗﻛرﯾم واﻟده). اﻟﺣﻣر ﻣﺣروس ﺑﺄﺳﻠﺣﺔ آﻟﯾﺔ

ﻣﻧﺻوﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﯾﺎرات ﺟﯾب، وﺑﺄﻓراد ﻣن ﺷرطﺔ اﻟﻘوات اﻟﻣﺳﻠﺣﺔ اﻷردﻧﯾﺔ وﺑوﺣدة اﻟﺣﻣﺎﯾﺔ اﻟﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎﺋد اﻷﻋﻠﻰ. داﺧل اﻟﻘﺻر ﯾﻘف اﻟﺣرس

اﻟﺷرﻛﺳﻲ ﺑﺄﺳﺗرﺧﺎﻧﺎﺗﮭم اﻟﺳوداء وﺳﯾوﻓﮭم اﻟﻔﺿﯾﺔ ﯾﺣرﺳون ﺧﺎرج ﻣﻛﺗﺑﮫ.

رﺟﺎل ﺑﺎﻟﻠﺑﺎس اﻟﺑدوي ﯾﺣﻣﻠون ﻣﺑﺎﺧر ﯾﺗﺣرﻛون ﺑﮭدوء ﻣن ﻏرﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ ﻏرﻓﺔ. ﻏرف اﻻﻧﺗظﺎر اﻟﻛﺛﯾرة ﻣؤﺛﺛﺔ ﺑﺷﻛل أﻧﯾق، وﻣزﯾﻧﺔ ﺑﺻورﻵﺛﺎر

( ﻟﻣدﯾﻧﺔ اﻟﺑﺗراء اﻟﻧﺑطﯾﺔ اﻷﺛرﯾﺔ، وﺑﺻور ﺑورﺗرﯾﮫ ﻟﻣﻠوك اﻷردن اﻟﺳﺎﺑﻘﯾن.

ﻣﺟﻣﻊ اﻟﻘﺻر ھو ﺗﺣت اﻹدارة اﻟﺻﺎرﻣﺔ ﻟرﺋﯾس اﻟﺗﺷرﯾﻔﺎت اﻟﻣﻠﻛﯾﺔ، واﻟذي ﯾﻌﻣل ﻛﺎدره ﺑﺎﺟﺗﮭﺎد ﻟﻠﻣﺣﺎﻓظﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟو ﻣن اﻟﺻﻣت واﻟﺗوﻗﯾر.

وﻟﻛن اﻟﺟو داﺧل ﻣﻛﺗب اﻟﻣﻠك اﻟﺧﺎص ﺣﯾث ﻗﺿﯾت ﺳﺎﻋﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻟﺣدﯾث ﻣﻌﮫ ﻓﻲ اﻷﺷﮭر اﻷﺧﯾرة ھو ﺟو ﻻ-رﺳﻣﯾﺔ ﻏﯾر ﻣدروﺳﺔ. ﻧﺷﺎ ﻋﺑدﷲ

ﺑطرﯾﻘﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺗﺎداً ﻋﻠﻰ زﺧﺎرف اﻟﻌرش، وﻟﻛﻧﮫ ﻣﺎ ﯾزال ﻻ ﯾﺣب اﻟﻣراﺳم وﯾﻔﺿل اﻟﺣدﯾث اﻟﻣرﺳل ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻣﺗرﺳم. ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﺗﮫ أول ﻣرة ﺑﻌﯾد

اﺳﺗﻼﻣﮫ اﻟﻣﻛﺗب ﻗﺑل 14 ﻋﺎﻣﺎً أن ”ﻣﺧﺎطﺑﺗﮫ ﺑﻠﻘب ﺟﻼﻟﺗك ﺟﻌﻠﺗﮫ ﯾﺷﻌر ﺑﺎﻟﻐﺛﯾﺎن. وﯾﺑدو ﻋﻠﯾﮫ اﻧﮫ وﻣﻊ اﻟﺳﻧﯾن ﺗﻛﯾف ﻣﻊ ھذه اﻟﻧﺎﺣﯾﺔ ﻣن

اﻟﻣﻠوﻛﯾﺔ.

ﯾﺑدو ﻋﻠﯾﮫ ﻣن ﻧواح ﻋدﯾدة أﻧﮫ ﻣﺗﻧﺎﻗض. ﻣﻠك ﻋرﺑﻲ ﺣدث وأﻧﮫ ﯾﺗﺣدر ﻣﺑﺎﺷرة ﻣن اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﻣﺣﻣد، ﯾﺑﺷر ﺑﺣﻛم ﻟﯾﺑراﻟﻲ ﻋﻠﻣﺎﻧﻲ دﯾﻣوﻗراطﻲ. وﻟﻛن

ﻋﺑدﷲ اﻵن وﺑﻌد ﻋﻘد وﻧﺻف ﻣن ﻋﮭده ھو ﺑﻣﻧظوره إﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﺳﯾﺎﺳﻲ واﻗﺗﺻﺎدي. ﯾﻘول اﻧﮫ ﯾﻔﮭم ان اﻟﻌرش اﻟﮭﺎﺷﻣﻲ ورﺑﻣﺎ اﻷردن ﻧﻔﺳﮫ ﻟن

ﯾﻧﺟو ﻣن اﻟﻌﻘود اﻟﻣﻘﺑﻠﺔ إن ﻟم ﯾﺣرك ﺑﻼده ﺑﺧﻔﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻟﺣداﺛﺔ.

إﻧﮭﺎ ﻣﻌﺟزة ﺻﻐﯾرة ﺑﺎﻟطﺑﻊ أﻧﮫ ﻣﺎ زال ﻓﻲ اﻟﺣﻛم أﺻﻼً. ﻟﻘد ﻧﺟﺎ ﻣن اول ﻣوﺟﺔ ﻣن ﺛورات اﻟرﺑﯾﻊ اﻟﻌرﺑﻲ واﻟﺗﻲ اطﺎﺣت ﺣﺗﻰ اﻻن ﺑﻘﺎدة ﺗوﻧس

وﻣﺻر وﻟﯾﺑﯾﺎ واﻟﯾﻣن واﻟﺗﻲ وﺑﺷﻛل ﻣﺣﺗم ﺗﻘرﯾﺑﺎ ﺳﺗطﯾﺢ ﺑﺎﻟرﺋﯾس اﻟﺳوري ﻛذﻟك. وﻟﻛﻧﮫ ﺗﺧّﺷن ﻓﻲ ھذه اﻷﺛﻧﺎء.

اﻟﺟﻐراﻓﯾﺎ ﻟﻌﻧت اﻷردن. إﻟﻰ اﻟﺷﻣﺎل ﻣن ﻋﺑدﷲ ھﻧﺎك ﺑﯾت اﻟﻘﺑور ﻓﻲ ﺳورﯾﺎ، ودوﻟﺔ ﻓﺎﺷﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ طور اﻟﺗﻛوﯾن. إﻟﻰ اﻟﺷرق ھﻧﺎك ﻣﺣﺎﻓظﺔ اﻷﻧﺑﺎر

اﻟدﻣوﯾﺔ. اﻟﺳﻌودﯾﺔ اﻟﻣﺣﻛوﻣﺔ ﺑﺎﻷﻣراء اﻟﻣﺗﻘﺎﻋدﯾن ﻣن ﺑﯾت ﺳﻌود، اﻟﻣﻧﺎﻓﺳﯾن اﻟﻘداﻣﻰ ﻟﻠﮭﺎﺷﻣﯾﯾن، ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻧوﺑﮫ.إﻟﻰ ﻏرﺑﮫ ھﻧﺎك اﻹﺳراﺋﯾﻠﯾون

اﻟﻣﺷﺎﻛﺳون، وﻛذﻟك اﻟﻔﻠﺳطﯾﻧﯾون اﻟﻣوﻟﻌون ﺑﺎﻟﺟدل. اﻟﻘﺎﻋدة ﺗرﯾد ﻗﺗﻠﮫ. اﻟﻧظﺎم اﻹﯾراﻧﻲ ﻻ ﯾﺣﺑﮫ ﻛﺛﯾراً ﻛذﻟك، ﺧﺻوﺻﺎً ﻣﻧذ أن اﻋﻠن ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎم

2004 ﻋن رؤﯾﺗﮫ ﻟﮭﻼل ﺷﯾﻌﻲ ﻣﺗﺻﺎﻋد ﺗﻘوده إﯾران ﯾﺣوم ﺣول اﻟﺷرق اﻷوﺳط. ﺑﻼده ﻣﻔﻠﺳﺔ، وﺗﻌﺗﻣد ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟوﻻﯾﺎت اﻟﻣﺗﺣدة وﺻﻧدوق اﻟﻧﻘد

اﻟدوﻟﻲ وﻋرب اﻟﺧﻠﯾﺞ اﻟﻣﺗﻐطرﺳﯾن ﻟﺗﻐطﯾﺔ ﻣوازﻧﺗﮭﺎ. (ﺻﻧدوق اﻟﻧﻘد اﻟدوﻟﻲ ﻓرض ﻣؤﺧراً رﻓﻊ أﺳﻌﺎر اﻟﻣﺣروﻗﺎت واﻟذي ﻛّﺛف ﺣﺎﻟﺔ اﻻﺳﺗﯾﺎء

اﻟﻣوﺟﮭﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻌرش).

اﻟﻣظﺎھرات ﻓﻲ ﻣدن اﻷردن اﻟرﺋﯾﺳﺔ ﻛﺎﻧت ﻣﻌﺗدﻟﺔ ﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ﺑﺗﻠك اﻟﺗﻲ أدت إﻟﻰ ﺗﻐﯾﯾر اﻟﻧظﺎم ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺎھرة وﺗوﻧس، وﻟﻛﻧﮭﺎ ﻣﻊ ذﻟك ﻛﺎﻧت

ﺻﺎﺧﺑﺔ.اﻟﻣﺗظﺎھرون وﺻﻔوا اﻟﻣﻠك ب"ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ"، وﻋﺎﺋﻠﺗﮫ ﺑﺄﻧﮭﺎ ”اﻷرﺑﻌﯾن ﺣراﻣﻲ". وﻗد اﺳﺗﮭدﻓوا ﺧﺻوﺻﺎً زوﺟﺗﮫ اﻟﻣذھﻠﺔ -واﻟﻣﺗﻣدﻧﺔ

ﺑﺷﻛل ﻣذھل- اﻟﻣﻠﻛﺔ راﻧﯾﺎ اﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﻌﺗﺑر أﯾﻘوﻧﺔ ﻟﻸزﯾﺎء وﺗﻣﻛﯾن اﻟﻣرأة ﻓﻲ اﻟﻐرب ، واﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﺗﻌرض ﻟﻠذم ﻓﻲ وطﻧﮭﺎ. وﻗد طﺎﻟب اﻟﻣﺗظﺎھرون ﻓﻲ

إﺣدى اﻟﻣرات ﺑﺎﻷﻣﯾر ﺣﻣزة، أﺣد إﺧوان اﻟﻣﻠك ﻏﯾر اﻷﺷﻘﺎء، ﻛﺑدﯾل ﻟﻠﻣﻠك. ﻓﻲ ﻣطﻠﻊ ﺣﻛم اﻟﻣﻠك ﻛﺎن ﻋﺑدﷲ وراﻧﯾﺎ ﯾﺗﻠﻘﯾﺎن اﻟﺗﺑﺟﯾل. وﻟﻛن ﻟم

ﯾﻌد ذﻟك ﻣﺳﺗﻣراً.

ﻋﺑدﷲ ھو ﻣﻣﻛﻠﺔ ﻧﺻف ﻣطﻠﻘﺔ. اﻟﺑﻼد ﻟدﯾﮭﺎ رﺋﯾس وزراء وﻣﺟﻠس ﻧواب ﻣﻧﺗﺧب، وﻟﻛﻧﮫ ﯾﺳﺗطﯾﻊ إﻋﻔﺎء رﺋﯾس اﻟوزراء وﺣل اﻟﺑرﻟﻣﺎن إذا رأى

ذﻟك ﻣﻧﺎﺳﺑﺎً. ﺗﻌﯾﯾن وطرد رؤﺳﺎء اﻟوزارات اﺳﺗﮭﻠك اﻟﻛﺛﯾر ﻣن وﻗﺗﮫ ﻣؤﺧراً، ﺣﯾث ﺑدل ﺳﺗﺔ ﺧﻼل اﻷﻋوام اﻟﺧﻣس اﻷﺧﯾرة. وﯾﻘول اﻧﮫ ﯾرﯾد أن

ﯾﺧرج ﻧﻔﺳﮫ ﻣن ﺗﻠك اﻟﻌﻣﻠﯾﺔ. ”ﯾرﺗﻔﻊ ﺿﻐطﻲ، وزوﺟﺗﻲ ﺗﻌرف ذﻟك، ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﻧﺿطر ﻟﺗﻐﯾﯾر اﻟﺣﻛوﻣﺎت. ﻛﻠﻣﺎ ﻣررﻧﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻠك اﻟداﺋرة ﻓﺈن ﻻ أﺣد

ﺳﯾﻛون ﺳﻌﯾدا". ﻗﺎل ﻟﻲ.

وﯾﻛرر ﻋﺑدﷲ أﻧﮫ ﯾرﯾد أن ﯾﻧﻘل اﻟﺳﻠطﺔ إﻟﻰ ﺑرﻟﻣﺎن ﻣﻧﺗﺧب، وھﻛذا ﺳﺄﻟﺗﮫ ﻋﻣﺎ إذا ﻛﺎن ﯾرﯾد دوراً ﺑروﺗوﻛوﻟﯾﺎً: ”أﻧت ﻻ ﺗرﯾد أن ﺗﻛون اﻟﻣﻠﻛﺔ

إﻟﯾزاﺑﯾث؟". أﺟﺎب: ”ﺣﺳﻧﺎً، أﯾن ﺳﺗﻛون اﻟﻣﻣﺎﻟك ﺧﻼل 50 ﻋﺎﻣﺎً؟". ھو ﯾﻔﮭم ﺗﻣﺎﻣﺎً أن اﻟﻣﻠﻛﯾﺔ ﻟﯾﺳت ﺻﻧﺎﻋﺔ ﻧﺎﻣﯾﺔ، ﻟﻛن ھل ﺗﻔﮭم ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺗﮫ

اﻟﻣﻣﺗدة ذﻟك؟ اﻟﮭﺎﺷﻣﯾون ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺻﻐﯾرة، ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻗل ﺑﺎﻟﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ اﻟﺳﻌودﯾﺔ. وﻣﻊ ذﻟك ﻟدﯾﮫ 11 ﺷﻘﯾﻘﺎً وﻧﺻف ﺷﻘﯾق، إﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﻟﻰ اﻟﻌدﯾد

ﻣن اﻟﻌﻣﺎت واﻷﻋﻣﺎم، ﻛﻠﮭم ﻣﻠﻛﻲ.اﻟﻧص اﻟﻛﺎﻣل ﻟﻠﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ اﻟﻣطوﻟﺔ ﻟﻠﻣﻠك ﻓﻲ ﻣﺟﻠﺔ أﺗﻼﻧﺗك: ﺧﺑر ﺟو-ﻧﺄﺗﯾك ﺑﺎﻟﺧﺑر اﻟﯾﻘﯾن ﻋن اﻷردن 3/20/13

www.khabarjo.net/?p=20221 4/27

”ﻻ، ﺑﻌض أﻓراد ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺗﻲ ﻟم ﯾﻠﺗﻘطوا اﻟﻣﺳﺄﻟﺔ". ﻗﺎل اﻟﻣﻠك. ”إﻧﮭم ﻟﯾﺳوا ﻣﻧﺧرطﯾن ﯾوﻣﺎً ﺑﯾوم، ﻛﻠﻣﺎ أﺑﻌدت اﻛﺛر ﻋن

ھذا اﻟﻛرﺳﻲ ﻛﻠﻣﺎ أﺻﺑﺣت اﻣﯾراً أﻛﺛر ﻓﺄﻛﺛر. ذﻟك ﯾﺣﺻل ﻓﻲ ﻛل اﻟﻌﺎﺋﻼت اﻟﺣﺎﻛﻣﺔ ﻛﻣﺎ أﻋﺗﻘد. ﻛﻠﻣﺎ ﻛﻧت اﺑﻌد ﻋن ھذا اﻟﻛرﺳﻲ ازداد اﻗﺗﻧﺎﻋك

ﺑﺎﻟﻣﻠﻛﯾﺔ اﻟﻣطﻠﻘﺔ، ھذه ھﻲ أﻓﺿل طرﯾﻘﺔ ﻟوﺻف اﻷﻣور. وذﻟك ﺑﻛل ﺑﺳﺎطﺔ ﻻ ﯾﻧﻔﻊ".

ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻠت اﻟﻣﻠك ﻋﺑدﷲ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎم 1999 ﺑﻌﯾد وﻓﺎة واﻟده ﻛﺎن ﺟدﯾداً ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻌرش وﻣﻣﺗﻠﺋﺎً ﺑﺎﻟﺣﻣﺎس اﻹﺻﻼﺣﻲ. اﻟﺧﺻﺧﺻﺔ واﻟﺗﺣدﯾث

واﻟﻠﺑرﻟﺔ اﻟﺳﯾﺎﺳﯾﺔ ﻛﻠﮭﺎ ﻛﺎﻧت ﻓﻲ أﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﺟﻧدة. أﺧﺑرﻧﻲ وﻗﺗﮭﺎ ﺑﺛﻘﺔ ﻣﺗوﻟدة ﻋن اﻟﺗﺟرﺑﺔ: ”ﺑﻠدﻧﺎ ﯾواﺟﮫ اﻟﻛﺛﯾر ﻣن اﻟﺗﺣدﯾﺎت، وﻟﻛﻧﻧﻲ أﻋﺗﻘد

أﻧﮭﺎ ﺟﻣﯾﻌﮭﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺗﻌﺎﻣل ﻣﻌﮭﺎ".

ﻛﺎن ﻗد ﺑدأ ﻓﻌﻼً ﺑﺎﻟﺳﯾر ﻋﻛس اﻟﺑروﺗوﻛول ، وﻗﺎل اﻧﮫ ﯾﺣﺗﻘر اﻟﺗذﻟل وﯾﻛره اﻟﻌزﻟﺔ. ﻣﺑﻛراً ﻓﻲ ﻋﮭده ﻛﺎن ﯾﺗﺧﻔﻰ ﻛﻣواطن ﻋﺎدي وﯾﺧﺗﻠط

ﺑﺎﻟﻣواطﻧﯾن ﻛﻲ ﯾﺗﻌرف ﻋﻠﻰ رﻏﺑﺎﺗﮭم وإﺣﺑﺎطﺎﺗﮭم. وﻗد راﻓﻘﺗﮫ ﻓﻲ إﺣدى ﺗﻠك اﻟﻐزوات إﻟﻰ اﻟزرﻗﺎء، ﻣدﯾﻧﺔ اﻟﻔﻠﺳطﯾﻧﯾﯾن اﻟﺳﺎﺧطﯾن

واﻹﺳﻼﻣﯾﯾن اﻟﻐﺎﺿﺑﯾن ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟدوام.

زرﻧﺎ اﻟﻣﻛﺗب اﻟﻣﺣﻠﻲ ﻟوزارة اﻟﻣﺎﻟﯾﺔ، وﻛذﻟك ﻣﺳﺗﺷﻔﻰ اﻟﻣدﯾﻧﺔ اﻟﺣﻛوﻣﻲ، وﻛﻼھﻣﺎ ﻟم ﯾﻛن ﯾﺑدو أﻧﮫ ﯾﻘدم أي ﺷﻲء ﯾﻘﺗرب ﻣن ﻣﻌﺎﯾﯾر اﻟﺧدﻣﺔ.

راﻗب اﻟﻣﻠك اﻟﺑﯾروﻗراطﯾﯾن اﻟذﯾن ﺑدون دم ﯾﺗﺟﺎھﻠون طﻠﺑﺎت ﻣﻌﻘوﻟﺔ. ﻻﺣﻘﺎً ﺗم اﻛﺗﺷﺎف وﺟوده، (وﺟود ﻣراﺳل أﻣرﯾﻛﻲ ﯾرﺗدي اﻟﺧﺎﻛﻲ ﺟﻌل ﻣن

اﻟﺻﻌب ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻣﻠك أن ﯾﺧﻔﻲ ھوﯾﺗﮫ) وﻗد ﺗﺟﻣﻊ ﺣﺷد ﻣن اﻟﻧﺎس ﺑﺳرﻋﺔ، ﻛﺎن ﻣﻠﯾﺋﺎً ﺑﺎﻟﺳﯾدات اﻟﻣﺳﻧﺎت ﻣﻣن ﻛن ﯾﻠﻘﯾن اﻟﺑرﻛﺎت ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻣﻠك.

ﻗﻣﻧﺎ ﺑﺎﻧدﻓﺎﻋﺔ ﻣﮭﺗﺎﺟﺔ ﺑﺎﺗﺟﺎه ﻗﺎﻋدة ﻣظﻠﯾﯾن ﻗرﯾﺑﺔ. ﺳﺎﻟﺗﮫ ﻋﻣﺎ ﯾﺟب ان ﯾﻛون ﺷﻌور اﻟﻣﺳؤوﻟﯾن ﻓﻲ اﻟزرﻗﺎء ﻓﻲ ﺗﻠك اﻟﻠﺣظﺔ، ﻓﻘﺎل ﺑﻧﺻف

اﺑﺗﺳﺎﻣﺔ: ”اﻟرﻋب"، وﻗﺎل اﻧﮫ ﺳﯾﻛﺗب ﺗﻘرﯾراً.

ورﻏم أﻧﮫ ﻛﺎن ﻣﻔﺟوﻋﺎً ﻣﻣﺎ رآه إﻻ أﻧﮫ ﺑدا ﻣدﻋﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻟزﯾﺎرة. ﻓﻲ ﺗﻠك اﻷﯾﺎم اﻟﻣﺑﻛرة ﻛﺎن ﯾﺗﺧﯾل أن اﻟﻧﺎس ﻓﻲ اﻷردن ﻛﺎﻧوا ﺟﺎھزﯾن ﻟﯾﻛوﻧوا

ﺷرﻛﺎءه ﻓﻲ رﻓﻊ اﻟﺑﻠد ﻣن وﺳﺎﺋﻠﮫ اﻟﺑﺎﻟﯾﺔ. واﻟد ﻋﺑدﷲ، اﻟﻣﻠك ﺣﺳﯾن، ﻛﺎن ﺣﺎﻛﻣﺎً داھﯾﺔ، وﻧﺎﺟﯾﺎً ﻣﺣﻧﻛﺎً وﺻﺎﻧﻊ ﺳﻼم ﺑطوﻟﯾﺎً، وﻟﻛﻧﮫ ﻟم ﯾﻛن

ﻣدﯾراً ﻋﺻرﯾﺎً، وﺗرك ﻻﺑﻧﮫ اﻗﺗﺻﺎداً ﻣﺗﺻﻠﺑﺎً وﻧظﺎﻣﺎً ﺳﯾﺎﺳﯾﺎً ﻣﺑﻧﯾﺎً ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟواﺳطﺔ واﺳﺗﻐﻼل اﻟﻣﻧﺎﻓﺳﺎت اﻟﻌﺷﺎﺋرﯾﺔ. ﻋﺑدﷲ اﻋﺗﻘد اﻧﮫ ﺳﯾﺻﻠﺢ ﻛل

ذﻟك.

وﻟﻛن اﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑل ﻛﺎن ﯾﻘﺑﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻣﯾن. اﻻﻧﺗﻔﺎﺿﺔ اﻟﻔﻠﺳطﯾﻧﯾﺔ، و11 ﺳﺑﺗﻣﺑر، وﻏزو أﻓﻐﺎﻧﺳﺗﺎن واﻟﻌراق، ﻛل ذﻟك ﻛﺎن أﻣﺎﻣﮫ. ﻓﻲ ﻏﺿون ﻋدة

ﺳﻧوات ﺳﺗﻛون اﻟزرﻗﺎء ﻣﻌروﻓﺔ ﺑﻛوﻧﮭﺎ ﻣﺳﻘط رأس أﺑو ﻣﺻﻌب اﻟزرﻗﺎوي، اﻹرھﺎﺑﻲ اﻟﺑﺎرز.

ﺳﻧوات اﻟﺗدﺧل اﺧذت ﺿرﯾﺑﺗﮭﺎ. واﻟﻣﻠك أﺻﺑﺢ أﺷﯾب ﺑﺷﻛل واﺿﺢ، وﺗﺟﻌدت ﺟﺑﮭﺗﮫ. ﻻﺣظت ﻓﻲ ﻣﻧﺎﺳﺑﺎت ﻻﺣﻘﺔ ﺛﻘﻼً ﻓوﻗﮫ، وأﺧﺑرﺗﮫ ﺑذﻟك.

ﻗﺎل اﻟﻣﻠك: ”اﺗﻌرف، ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ وﺻﻠت اﻟذﻛرى اﻟﻌﺎﺷرة أﺗذﻛر ﺟﻠوﺳﻲ ﻣﻊ أﻓراد ﻣن ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺗﻲ وأﺻدﻗﺎﺋﻲ اﻟﻣﻘرﺑﯾن وﻗوﻟﻲ ﻟﮭم أﻧﻧﻲ ﻻ أرﯾد أن

أﺳﺗﻣر".

ﻗﻠت: ”ﻻ ﺗﺳﺗطﯾﻊ أن ﺗﺳﺗﻘﯾل ﺑﺑﺳﺎطﺔ".

أﺟﺎب: ”ھذا ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻟوه".

اﻟﻣﻠك ﻋﺑدﷲ ﻟﯾس ﻓﻘط ﻣﺗﺣدراً ﺑﺷﻛل ﻣﺑﺎﺷر ﻣن اﻟﻧﺑﻲ ﻣﺣﻣد، ﻓﮭو اﺑن ﻣﻠك ھﺎﺷﻣﻲ، وﺣﻔﯾد ﻣﻠك ھﺎﺷﻣﻲ، واﺑن ﺣﻔﯾد ﻣﻠك ھﺎﺷﻣﻲ، وھو ﺣﻔﯾد

ﺣﻔﯾد آﺧر أﺷراف ﻣﻛﺔ. اﻟﺗﻧﺎزل ﻟﯾس ﺧﯾﺎراً واﻗﻌﯾﺎً. وﻣﻊ ذﻟك ﻛﺎن ھﻧﺎك ﯾﻌﺗرف أن اﻟﻔﻛرة ﺧطرت ﺑﺑﺎﻟﮫ. ”أﻧﺎ ﻓﻘط ﻗﻠت أﻧﻧﻲ ﻛﻧت ﻣﺣﺑطﺎً ﺑﺳﺑب

ﻛل اﻟﻘوى اﻟﺗﻲ ﻛﻧت أﺗﻌﺎﻣل ﻣﻌﮭﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟداﺧل". ﻗﺎل اﻟﻣﻠك، وأﺿﺎف:"ﻟﯾس اﻟﺧﺎرج، إﻧﮫ اﻟداﺧل".

ﻛﺎن اﻟﻣﻠك ﺗذﻣر ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎً ﺑﺧﺻوص ﻗوى اﻟﺳﯾﺎﺳﺔ اﻟداﺧﻠﯾﺔ، وﻟﻛن ﻓﻘط ﺑﺷﻛل ﻣوﺟز، واﻓﺗرﺿت أﻧﮫ ﻛﺎن ﯾﻘﺻد ﺟﺑﮭﺔ اﻟﻌﻣل اﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ، ﻓرع

ﺟﻣﺎﻋﺔ اﻹﺧوان ﻓﻲ اﻷردن.وﻟﻛﻧﮫ اﻵن ﺣدد ﺧﺻﻣﺎً ﻣﺧﺗﻠﻔﺎً.

ﻗﺎل: ”ﻣؤﺳﺳﺎت وﺛﻘت ﺑﮭﺎ ﻟم ﺗﻛن ﻣﻌﻲ، ﻟﻘد ﻛﺎﻧت اﻟﻣﺧﺎﺑرات واﻵﺧرون واﻟﺣرس اﻟﻘدﯾم". اﻟﻣﺧﺎﺑرات ﻣﺧﺻﺻﺔ أﺻﻼً ﻟﺣﻣﺎﯾﺔ اﻟﻌرش

اﻟﮭﺎﺷﻣﻲ.ﻣﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﯾﺎدﺗﮭﺎ اﻟﻣﺛﯾرة ﻟﻠﺷؤم ﺗﺑدو وﻛﺄﻧﮫ ﻣزار ﻟﻠﮭﺎﺷﻣﯾﯾن. ﺻور ﺿﺧﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻣﻠك ﻋﺑدﷲ وﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺗﮫ وﻟﻣﻠوك اﻷردن اﻟﺳﺎﺑﻘﯾن ﺗﺣﺗل ﻋدداً

ﻣن ﻗﺎﻋﺎت اﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﺎت ﻓﯾﮭﺎ. (ﺗرﺟﻣﺔ ﺧﺑر ﺟو) اﻟﻣﺧﺎﺑرات اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ھﻲ أﻛﺛر ﺟﮭﺎز ﻣﺧﺎﺑرات ﻣﺣﺗرم ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻣﺳﺗوى اﻟﻌرﺑﻲ، وﻋﻣﻼؤھﺎ

ﻣﻌروﻓون ﺑﻘدرﺗﮭم ﻋﻠﻰ اﺧﺗراق اﻟﻘﺎﻋدة واﻟﺟﻣﺎﻋﺎت اﻹﺳﻼﻣﯾﺔ. (وﻗد ﻋرف ﻋﻧﮭﺎ ﻛذﻟك اﺳﺗﺧدام اﻟﺗﻌذﯾب: ﻣﻘرات اﻟﻘﯾﺎدة ﻛﺎﻧت ﺗﻌرف ﻟﻔﺗرة ﻓﻲ

اﻟوﺳﺎط اﻟدﺑﻠوﻣﺎﺳﯾﺔ اﻟﻐرﺑﯾﺔ ﺑﺎﺳم ”ﻣﺻﻧﻊ اﻷظﺎﻓر".

ﯾﻌﺗﻘد اﻟﻣﺳؤوﻟون اﻷﻣرﯾﻛﯾون واﻟﻣﻧﺷﻘون اﻟﺳﯾﺎﺳﯾون داﺧل اﻟﻣﻣﻠﻛﺔ أن ﻣﺳؤوﻟﻲ اﻟﻣﺧﺎﺑرات ﻗد أﻗﺣﻣوا اﻧﻔﺳﮭم ﻓﻲ اﻟﺳﯾﺎﺳﺔ اﻷردﻧﯾﺔ ﻟﻣﻛﺎﺳب

ﺷﺧﺻﯾﺔ ﻣﺎﻟﯾﺔ وﻟدﻓﻊ أﺟﻧدة ﺷرق اﻷردﻧﯾﯾن اﻟذﯾن ﯾرﻏﺑون ﻓﻲ ﺗﮭﻣﯾش اﻹﺳﻼﻣﯾﯾن واﻟﻔﻠﺳطﯾﻧﯾﯾن. وﯾﻌﺗﻘد اﻟﻣﻠك أن ﻛل ﻣرة ﯾﺣﺎول ﻓﯾﮭﺎ ﺗﻧﻔﯾذ

إﺻﻼح ذي ﻗﯾﻣﺔ -إﻋﺎدة رﺳم اﻟدواﺋر اﻻﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﯾﺔ ﻟﻠﺳﻣﺎح ﻟﻠﻔﻠﺳطﯾﻧﯾﯾن ﺑوﺟود أﻛﺑر ﻓﻲ ﻣﺟﻠس اﻟﻧواب ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺑﯾل اﻟﻣﺛﺎل- ﺗﻘوم اﻟﻣﺧﺎﺑرات ﻣﻊاﻟﻧص اﻟﻛﺎﻣل ﻟﻠﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ اﻟﻣطوﻟﺔ ﻟﻠﻣﻠك ﻓﻲ ﻣﺟﻠﺔ أﺗﻼﻧﺗك: ﺧﺑر ﺟو-ﻧﺄﺗﯾك ﺑﺎﻟﺧﺑر اﻟﯾﻘﯾن ﻋن اﻷردن 3/20/13

www.khabarjo.net/?p=20221 5/27

إﺻﻼح ذي ﻗﯾﻣﺔ -إﻋﺎدة رﺳم اﻟدواﺋر اﻻﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﯾﺔ ﻟﻠﺳﻣﺎح ﻟﻠﻔﻠﺳطﯾﻧﯾﯾن ﺑوﺟود أﻛﺑر ﻓﻲ ﻣﺟﻠس اﻟﻧواب ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺑﯾل اﻟﻣﺛﺎل- ﺗﻘوم اﻟﻣﺧﺎﺑرات ﻣﻊ

اﻟرﺟﻌﯾﯾن ﻓﻲ اﻟﻧﺧﺑﺔ ﺑﮭدم ﻣﺣﺎوﻻﺗﮫ.ﻗﺎل: ”ﻟم أدرك ﻣدى اﺧﺗراق اﻟﻣﺣﺎﻓظﯾن ﻟﻣؤﺳﺳﺎت ﻣﺛل اﻟﻣﺧﺎﺑرات. ﻟﻘد اﺗﺿﺢ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺳﻧوات اﻟﻼﺣﻘﺔ ﻛﯾف

أﻧﮫ ﺗم ﺗﺿﻣﯾﻧﮭم ﻓﻲ ﻣؤﺳﺳﺎت ﻣﻌﯾﻧﺔ، ﺧطوﺗﺎن إﻟﻰ اﻷﻣﺎم، ﺧطوة إﻟﻰ اﻟﺧﻠف".

”اﻟﻣﺧﺎﺑرات ﺻﺎﻧﻌﺔ اﻟﻣﺷﺎﻛل ﻛﺎﻧت ﺷﯾﺋﺎً ورﺛﺗﮫ ﻋن واﻟدي"، أﺧﺑرﻧﻲ اﻟﻣﻠك. ﻓﻲ اﻟﺛﻣﺎﻧﯾﻧﯾﺎت اﻧدﻟﻌت أﺣداث ﺷﻐب ﻓﻲ ﻣدﯾﻧﺔ ﻣﻌﺎن اﻟﺟﻧوﺑﯾﺔ،

وﻗﺎل ان واﻟده ﻛﺎن ﯾﺷك ﻓﻲ أﻧﮫ أﻣﺎ اﻟﺳﻌودﯾﯾن أو اﻟﻣﺧﺎﺑرات ﻛﺎﻧوا ﯾﺣرﺿوﻧﮭم. ”اﻟﻣﺧﺎﺑرات ﻛﺎﻧت داﺋﻣﺎً إﺷﻛﺎﻟﯾﺔ". وﻗﺎل اﻟﻣﻠك أن أﺣد

اﺳﺑﺎب ﺻﻌوﺑﺎﺗﮫ اﻟﺗﻲ ﺗﻘرﺣت طوﯾﻼً ﻣﻊ اﻟﻣﺧﺎﺑرات ھﻲ ﺳذاﺟﺗﮫ. ”ﻛﻧت ﺳﺎذﺟﺎً ﻛﻔﺎﯾﺔ ﻟﻼﻋﺗﻘﺎد ﺑﺄن اﻟﻣﺧﺎﺑرات ﺳﺗﻘول: ”ﻧﻌم ﺳﯾدي" ﺣﯾث

أﻧﻧﻲ ﻗﺎدم ﻣن اﻟﺟﯾش اﻟذي ﯾﻘول ”ﻧﻌم ﺳﯾدي".

اﻟﯾوم، ﯾﻘول اﻟﻣﻠك، أﻧﮫ ﯾﺣﻘق ﺗﻘدﻣﺎً ﻓﻲ إﺻﻼح اﻟداﺋرة. اﺛﻧﺎن ﻣن ﻗﺎدة اﻟﻣﺧﺎﺑرات أودﻋﺎ اﻟﺳﺟن ﺑﺳﺑب اﻟﻔﺳﺎد. اﻟﺛﺎﻟث ﻣﺎت ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺎر. اﻟرﺋﯾس

اﻟﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻟﻠداﺋرة ﯾﺣﺎول ان ﯾﻧزع ﺗﺳﯾﯾﺳﮭﺎ ﻛﻣﺎ ﯾﻘول ﻣﺳؤوﻟون أردﻧﯾون، ﻣﺳﺗﻌﯾﻧﺎً ﺑﻧﺻﺎﺋﺢ إدارﯾﺔ ﻣن اﻟﺳﻲ آي أي.

اﻷردن ﻛﺎن داﺋﻣﺎً ﻣﺣﺎﺻراً ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺳﺎد. ﻓﻲ اﻷﯾﺎم اﻟﺧواﻟﻲ ﻛﺎن اﻟﻣﻠك ﺣﺳﯾن واﺿﺣﺎً ﻧوﻋﺎً ﻣﺎ ﺣول ذﻟك، ﻣﻌطﯾﺎً ﺳﯾﺎرات ﻣرﺳﯾدس ﻣﻌﻔﺎة ﻣن

اﻟﺟﻣﺎرك ﻟﻠﻣواﻟﯾن واﻟﻣﻘرﺑﯾن. وﯾﻘول اﻟﻣﻧﺗﻘدون أن اﻟﺣﺎل ﻟم ﯾﺗﺣﺳن ﻛﺛﯾراً ﻣﻧذﺋذ. ﺣﺎول اﻟﻣﻠك ﻋﺑدﷲ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻧواﺗﮫ اﻷوﻟﻰ أن ﯾﺣﻘق اﻟﻣزﯾد ﻣن

اﻟﺷﻔﺎﻓﯾﺔ ﻟﻠﻣوازﻧﺔ اﻟﺣﻛوﻣﯾﺔ، ﻟﻛن ﺳﻣﻌﺗﮫ ﺣول ﻣﻌﯾﺷﺗﮫ اﻟﻧظﯾﻔﺔ ﺗﺿررت ﻛﺛﯾراً ﺑﻔﻌل ﻣزاﻋم ﺣول اﺳﺗﻔﺎدة اﻓراد ﻣن اﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ أﺛﻧﺎء ﺑﯾﻊ أراض

ﺣﻛوﻣﯾﺔ، وﻣن اﺗﮭﺎﻣﺎت ﺑﺄن ﻋدة أﻓراد ﻣن اﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ وﻣن أﺻدﻗﺎئ اﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ اﺳﺗﻔﺎدوا ﻣن ﺻﻼﺗﮭم ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺻر. وﻟﯾد اﻟﻛردي زوج اﻷﻣﯾرة ﺑﺳﻣﺔ ﺷﻘﯾﻘﺔ

اﻟﻣﻠك اﻷﺳﺑق ﺣﺳﯾن ھرب ﻣؤﺧراً إﻟﻰ ﻟﻧدن ﻟﺗﺟﻧب ﻣواﺟﮭﺔ ﺗﮭم ﺣول اﺧﺗﻼﺳﮫ ﻣﻼﯾﯾن ﻣن ﺻﻧﺎﻋﺔ اﻟﻔوﺳﻔﺎت ﻓﻲ اﻟﺑﻼد. وﻗد ﺗﻌرض اﻟﻣﻠك

ﻧﻔﺳﮫ ﻟﺷﺎﺋﻌﺎت ﺑﺄﻧﮫ ﻣﻘﺎﻣر ﻣﺗﮭور.

وﻋﺑدﷲ دﻓﺎﻋﻲ إزاء اﻻﺗﮭﺎﻣﺎت ﺑﺄن ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺗﮫ ﺗﺣﺻل ﻋﻠﻰ اﻣﺗﯾﺎزات ﺧﺎﺻﺔ. ﻓﻲ ﻣﺣﺎدﺛﺎﺗﻧﺎ اﻧﺗﻘد أﻗﺎرب ﻟﮫ ﻛﺎﻧت ﺳﻠوﻛﯾﺎﺗﮭم ﯾراھﺎ ﻛﻌﺎﺋق ﻟﻠﺣﻛم

اﻟﮭﺎﺷﻣﻲ. ”اﻧظر إﻟﻰ ﺑﻌض اﺷﻘﺎﺋﻲ. ﯾﻌﺗﻘدون أﻧﮭم أﻣراء. وﻟﻛن أﺑﻧﺎء ﻋﻣوﻣﺗﻲ أﻛﺛر إﻣرة ﻣن أﺷﻘﺎﺋﻲ. وأﻧﺳﺑﺎؤھم ﻣﺛﻠﮭم. ﯾﺎ إﻟﮭﻲ. ﻋﻠﻲ داﺋﻣﺎً

أن أﻣﻧﻊ أﻓراداً ﻣن ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺗﻲ ﻣن ﺗﺳﻠﯾط اﻟﺿوء ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﯾﺎرات ﺣراﺳﺗﮭم. أﻗوم ﺑﺎﻋﺗﻘﺎل أﻓراد ﻣن ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺗﻲ وآﺧذ ﺳﯾﺎراﺗﮭم ﻣﻧﮭم وأﻗطﻊ ﺣﺻﺻﮭم

ﻣن اﻟوﻗود وأﺟﻌﻠﮭم ﯾﺗوﻗﻔون ﻋﻧد إﺷﺎرات اﻟﻣرور. أﺣﺎول ان أﻛون ذﻟك اﻟﻧﻣوذج".

”ﺣﺳﺎﺳﯾﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺗﺻﺑﺢ ﻻ ﻣﻌﻧﻰ ﻟﮭﺎ"، اﺳﺗﻣر اﻟﻣﻠك ”إذا أﻣﺳﻛت اﺑﻧﻲ ﻟﻛوﻧﮫ ﻓﺎﺳداً ﺧذه إﻟﻰ اﻟﻣﺣﻛﻣﺔ. ﻗﻠت ذﻟك ﺑوﺿوح ﺗﺎم ﻣن اﻟﯾوم

اﻷول. ﻣﺎ أﺣﺎول ﻗوﻟﮫ أن ﻛل اﻵﺧرﯾن ﻣﺳﺗﮭﻠﻛﯾن ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ اﻟﻣﺎﻟﻛﺔ. ھل ﻟذﻟك أي ﻣﻌﻧﻰ؟ ھذه ھﻲ ﺣﻘﯾﻘﺔ اﻟرﺑﯾﻊ اﻟﻌرﺑﻲ اﻟﺗﻲ ﺻدﻣﺗﻧﻲ". ﻻ

ﯾرﯾد ﻋﺑدﷲ أن ﯾﻛون أﻋﺿﺎء ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻓﺎﺳدون أو ﺧدم أو أي اﺣد آﺧر ﻗﺎدراً ﻋﻠﻰ إﻏراﻗﮫ، ﺑﺎﻟطرﯾﻘﺔ اﻟﺗﻲ أﻏرق ﺑﮭﺎ اﻟﻔﺳﺎد اﻟﻣؤﺳف واﻟﺿﺧم

ﻣﺑﺎرك واﻟﻌﺎﺋﻼت اﻟﺣﺎﻛﻣﺔ.

ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﻣررت ﺑﺎﻟﺗﻌﻠﯾق اﻟﻘﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﻣﻠك ﺣول أﺣد أﻓراد اﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ، وھو ﻟم ﯾﺳﻣﮫ، ردد ﺗﻌﻠﯾﻘﺎً ﻣن وﺣﻲ أﻟﯾس ﻓﻲ ﺑﻼد اﻟﻌﺟﺎﺋب: ”ﺟﻼﻟﺗﮫ، ﺟﻼﻟﺗﮫ،

وإذا ﻛﺎن ﺟﻼﻟﺗﮫ ﯾﻌﺗﻘد أن ذﻟك ﻗﺿﯾﺔ ﻣﮭﻣﺔ ﻓﺈن ﺟﻼﻟﺗﮫ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣق".

زوﺟﺔ ﺟﻼﻟﺗﮫ، راﻧﯾﺎ اﻷﻧﯾﻘﺔ واﻟﺻرﯾﺣﺔ، ﺗم إﺧﻔﺎؤھﺎ ﻋن اﻟﺻﺣﺎﻓﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻣﯾﺔ ﻣﻧذ ظﮭور اﻟرﺑﯾﻊ اﻟﻌرﺑﻲ. ﻣﻧذ أن ﻧظم اﻟدﯾوان اﻟﻣﻠﻛﻲ ﺣﻔل ﻋﯾد

ﻣﯾﻼد ﻣﻔﺻل ﻟﮭﺎ ﻓﻲ وادي رم ﻓﻲ 2010 ﻓﻲ اﻟﺻﺣراء اﻟﺟﻧوﺑﯾﺔ، ﻓﺈن اﻟﻣرأة اﻟﺗﻲ ةﺻﻔﺗﮭﺎ أوﺑرا وﻧﻔري ذات ﻣرة ﺑﺄﻧﮭﺎ ”أﯾﻘوﻧﺔ أزﯾﺎء

ﻋﺎﻟﻣﯾﺔ" أﺻﺑﺢ ﯾﻧظر ﻟﮭﺎ ﺑﺎزدراء ﻣن ﻗﺑل اﻟﻌدﯾد ﻣن اﻷردﻧﯾﯾن. (ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﻛﺎن ﯾﺗم اﻟﺗﻘﺎط ﺻور ﻟﮭﺎ طﯾﻠﺔ ﺗﻠك اﻟﻔﺗرة ﻛﺎن ﯾﺗم ذﻟك ﻓﻲ اﻟﻣدارس

واﻟﻣﺳﺗﺷﻔﯾﺎت).

ﯾﻘول اﻟﻣﻠك أن اﻟﻧﻣﯾﻣﺔ اﻟﺷرﯾرة ھﻲ ﺟزء ﻣن أرض اﻟﻌﺎﺻﻣﺔ. ﺧذ اﻹﺷﺎﻋﺔ ﺣول ﻋﺎدﺗﮫ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﻣﺎر. ”اﻧظر، ﻣﺳﺄﻟﺔ اﻟﻘﻣﺎر ﺟﺎءت ﻣن ﻋﻣﺎن

اﻟﻐرﺑﯾﺔ"، ﻣﺷﯾراً إﻟﻰ اﻟﺟوار اﻟذي ھو ﻣوطن ﻧﺧﺑﺔ اﻟﺑﻼد اﻟﺳﯾﺎﺳﯾﺔ واﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎدﯾﺔ. ”ﺣﺗﻰ ﻏﻧﻧﻲ ﻻ أﻋﻠب اﻟورق. واﻟﺳﺑب أﻧﻧﻲ ﻻ أﻗﺎﻣر ھو

اﻧﻧﻲ ﻻ أﺳﺗطﯾﻊ أن أﻋّد. ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ أرى اﻟﺳﺑﻌﺔ ﻓﺈﻧﮭﺎ ﺗﺑدو ﻣﺛل اﻟﺛﻣﺎﻧﯾﺔ. ﯾﺄﺗﯾﻧﻲ ﺷﺧص اﻣرﯾﻛﻲ وﯾﻘول: ھﻧﺎك ﻗﻠق ﺑﺧﺻوص اﻟﻘﻣﺎر. وﻟﻛن ﻣﻊ

ﺣﻛوﻣﺗﻛم واﻟﺳﻲ آي أي واﻟﺟﻣﯾﻊ، أﯾن ﯾﺳﺗطﯾﻊ ﻣﻠك أن ﯾذھب وﯾﻘﺎﻣر؟"

واﺳﺗﻣر: ”ﺟﺎءت ﻏرب ﻋﻣﺎن ﺑﻘﺻص ﺣول ان اﺑﻧﻲ أﺻم، وأن اﺑﻧﺗﻲ ﻋﻣﯾﺎء، وﻛل ذﻟك. ﻗﺎﻣوا ﺑذﻟك ﻣﻊ واﻟدي أﯾﺿﺎً. ﻛﺎن ھﻧﺎك ﻗﺻﺔ أﻧﻧﻲ

واﻟدي واﻧﺎ ﻛﻧﺎ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺧﺎرج ﻣﻊ ﻣﺿﯾﻔﺔ ﺛم ﻗﺗﻠﻧﺎھﺎ ودﻓﻧﺎھﺎ".

ﻓﻲ ﻣﺣﺎدﺛﺔ أﺟرﯾﺗﮭﺎ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻣﻠﻛﺔ ، وھﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﺣددت ﺑﻌﻧﺎﯾﺔ ﻣن ﻗﺑل ﻣوظﻔﻲ اﻟدﯾوان اﻟﻣﻠﻛﻲ، ﺣﯾث ﻓﺳرت اﻟﻣزاج اﻟﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻷردن ﻛﺎﻟﺗﺎﻟﻲ:

”ﻓﻲ اﻷوﻗﺎت اﻟﺟﯾدة ﯾﻛون اﻟﻧﺎس أﻛﺛر ﻛرﻣﺎً ﻣﻊ إﻋطﺎﺋك ﻓﺎﺋدة اﻟﺷك. ﻓﻲ اﻷوﻗﺎت اﻟﺻﻌﺑﺔ ﺗﻌرف أن اﻟﻧﺎس ﺳﯾﻠﻘون ﺑﺎﻟﺷك ﺣﺗﻰ ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﺗﻘول

اﻟﺣﻘﯾﻘﺔ. اﻟﻧﺎس ﻟﯾﺳوا ﻛرﻣﺎء. إﻧﮭم ﻻ ﯾﻌطوﻧك ﻣﯾزة اﻟﺷك".

ﯾﻘول اﻟﻣﻠك أن ﻗﻠﺔ ﺧﺑرﺗﮫ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺣﻛم وﻓﻲ إدارﺗﮫ ﻟﻠﺗﺻورات ﺗﻔﺳر ﻟﻣﺎذا ﻟم ﯾﻛن أﻛﺛر ﻧﺟﺎﺣﺎً ﻓﻲ اﻟدﻓﻊ ﺑﺗﺣدﯾث اﻹﺻﻼﺣﺎت اﻟﺳﯾﺎﺳﯾﺔ. ﻓﻲ ﻋﯾون اﻟﻧص اﻟﻛﺎﻣل ﻟﻠﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ اﻟﻣطوﻟﺔ ﻟﻠﻣﻠك ﻓﻲ ﻣﺟﻠﺔ أﺗﻼﻧﺗك:

ﻣﻧﺗﻘدﯾﮫ ﻣن اﻟﻠﯾﺑراﻟﯾﯾن اﻷردﻧﯾﯾن، ﺑﻣن ﻓﯾﮭم اﻟﻌدﯾد ﻣﻣن ﻋﻣﻠوا ﻣﻌﮫ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺑداﯾﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻧوات ﻋﮭده اﻟﻣﻠﯾﺋﺔ ﺑﺎﻷﻣل، ﻓﺈﻧﮫ ﻗد ﺳﻣﺢ ﻟﻧﻔﺳﮫ ﺑﺄن ﯾﮭزم.

ﺑﻌض اﻟﺗﻐﯾﯾرات اﻟﺗﻲ ﯾﺣﺎول أن ﯾﺟرﯾﮭﺎ اﻟﯾوم -ﺑﻧﺎء أﺣزاب ﺳﯾﺎﺳﯾﺔ، وإﻋﺎدة ﻧﺷر ﻗﺎﻧون اﻻﻧﺗﺧﺎب ﻟﺟﻌل اﻟﺑرﻟﻣﺎن أﻛﺛر ﺗﻣﺛﯾﻼً- ﻛﺎﻧت ﻋﻠﻰ

اﻷﺟﻧدة ﻗﺑل أﻋوام. ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎم 2005 ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ اﻧﺻب اﻟﺿﻐط ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻣﻠك ﻟﻔﺗﺢ اﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ وﻓﻘﺎ ﻟوﻋوده اﻟﻌﻠﻧﯾﺔ، ﻗﺎم ﺑﺗﻌﯾﯾن ﻣروان اﻟﻣﻌﺷر، أﺣد

ﻣﺳﺎﻋدﯾﮫ اﻹﺻﻼﺣﯾﯾن، ﻟﺻﯾﺎﻏﺔ ﺑرﻧﺎﻣﺞ إﺻﻼح ﺷﺎﻣل.

ﻛﺎﻧت اﻷﺟﻧدة اﻟوطﻧﯾﺔ ، ﻛﻣﺎ أﺻﺑﺣت ﺗﻌرف، ﺧطﺔ طﻣوﺣﺔ ﻟﺗﻐﯾﯾر ﻣﻧﮭﺟﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻗطﺎﻋﺎت ﻣﺧﺗﻠﻔﺔ ﻣن اﻟﺣﯾﺎة اﻟوطﻧﯾﺔ. أﺣد ﺑﻧود اﻷﺟﻧدة ﻛﺎن زﯾﺎدة

ﻋدد اﻟﻣﻘﺎﻋد اﻟﺑرﻟﻣﺎﻧﯾﺔ اﻟﻣﺧﺻﺻﺔ ﻟﻠﻣرﺷﺣﯾن اﻟﺗﺎﺑﻌﯾن ﻷﺣزاب وطﻧﯾﺔ. ﻗﺑل ذﻟك ﻛﺎﻧت اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺑﯾﺔ اﻟﺳﺎﺣﻘﺔ ﻣن اﻟﺑرﻟﻣﺎﻧﯾﯾن ﯾﺗم اﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﮭم ﻋﻠﻰ

أﺳﺎس اﻟﻣﺣﺎﻓظﺔ ، وھو ﻧظﺎم ﯾﺷﺟﻊ اﻟﺗﺻوﯾت ﻋﻠﻰ أﺳﺎس اﻟﻣﺣﺎﯾﺎة واوﻻء اﻟﻌﺷﺎﺋري. ﻛﺎﻧت اﻷﺟﻧدة اﻟوطﻧﯾﺔ ﺳﺗﻐﯾر ﻛل ذﻟك. وﻟﻛن ﻗﺑل أن

ﺗﺗﻣﻛن ﻣن ذﻟك ﻧﮭض اﻟﻣﺣﺎﻓظون وذھﺑوا إﻟﻰ اﻟﻣﻠك. وﺣﺳب ﻋدة أﺷﺧﺎص ﻣﻣن أﻟﻔوا اﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﺎت اﻟﻣﺻﯾرﯾﺔ ﻓﺈن أﺣد اﺑرز اﻷﻋﯾﺎن ﻗﺎل

ﻟﻌﺑدﷲ: ھذه ﻗﻔزة إﻟﻰ اﻟﻣﺟﮭول. وﻟم ﯾﺗم ﺗطﺑﯾق اﻷﺟﻧدة اﻟوطﻧﯾﺔ.

وﻟﻛن ﻣﻊ ﯾﻘظﺔ اﻟرﺑﯾﻊ اﻟﻌرﺑﻲ اﻟذي أطﺎح ﺑﺎﻷوﺗوﻗراطﯾﺎت ﺣول اﻟﻣﻧطﻘﺔ ﺗﻣﻛن ﻋﺑدﷲ أﺧﯾراً ﻣن ھﻧدﺳﺔ ﻧظﺎم اﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﻲ ﺟدﯾد ﯾﺗﻣﺛل ﺑﺷﻛل

ﻣﺗواﺿﻊ رؤﯾﺔ اﻷﺟﻧدة اﻟوطﻧﯾﺔ. 27 ﻣن أﺻل 150 ﻣﻘﻌداً ﻓﻲ ﻣﺟﻠس اﻟﻧواب، واﻟذي ﺗم ﺗوﺳﯾﻌﮫ، ﺳﯾﺗم ﻣﻠؤھﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺗﺧﺎب اﻟوطﻧﻲ. أﺧﺑرﺗﻧﻲ

اﻟﻣﻠﻛﺔ راﻧﯾﺎ أن زوﺟﮭﺎ اﺳﺗطﺎع أﺧﯾراً أن ﯾﺣﻘق اﻹﺻﻼح اﻻﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﻲ ﻷن ﺿﻐط اﻟرﺑﯾﻊ اﻟﻌرﺑﻲ رّﻛز اﻧﺗﺑﺎه ﻧﺧب اﻷردن. ”ﺑطرﯾﻘﺔ ﻣﺎ أظن أن

اﻟﮭﯾﺟﺎن اﻟﺳﯾﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯾن اﻟﻣﺎﺿﯾﯾن ﻛﺎن ﺗﺣدﯾﺎً ﻣن ﻧوع ﻣﺧﺗﻠف. ﻟﻘد ﺟﻠب ﻣﻧﺎﺧﺎً ﻣن اﻟﻧﻘد اﻟﻣﻔﺗوح". ﻗﺎﻟت اﻟﻣﻠﻛﺔ. ”اﻟﻠطﯾف ﻓﻲ ذﻟك أﻧﮫ

ﺳﻣﺢ ﻟﮫ -أي اﻟﻣﻠك- ﺑﺄن ﯾﺗﺑﺎدل اﻟﺻراﺣﺔ ، وأن ﯾﺧرج ﺣﻘﺎً وﯾﻘول ﻣﺎ ﯾؤﻣن ﺑﮫ. أﻋﺗﻘد أﻧﮫ ﺑﺳﺑب ذﻟك وﻓﻲ ﻋدة ﻣﻧﺎﺳﺑﺎت ﻗﺎل أﻧﮫ ﯾرى اﻟرﺑﯾﻊ

اﻟﻌرﺑﻲ ﻛﻔرﺻﺔ. ﻟﻘد أﻋطﺎه اﻟرﺑﯾﻊ اﻟﻌرﺑﻲ اﻟﻔرﺻﺔ ﺣﻘﺎً ﻟﯾﺧرج ﺑﻛل ﺻراﺣﺔ وأن ﯾﻌﺑر ﻋﻧﮭﺎ ﺑطرﯾﻘﺔ ﻣﻧﻔﺗﺣﺔ ﺟداً، وﻗد أﻋطﺎﻧﺎ ﺟﻣﯾﻌﺎً اﻟﻔرﺻﺔ أن

ﻧرى ﻓﯾﮫ ﻣن ھو ﺣﻘﺎً".

وﻟﻛن اﻟرﺑﯾﻊ اﻟﻌرﺑﻲ ﻗد ﯾﻌﻧﻲ أﯾﺿﺎً أن اﻟوﻗت ﯾﻧﻔذ ﻣن اﻟﻣﻠك. ﻗﺎل ﻟﻲ ﻣروان اﻟﻣﻌﺷر: ”ﺗرف اﻟوﻗت اﻟﻼﻣﺗﻧﺎھﻲ ﻟم ﯾﻌد ﻣوﺟوداً، ﻷن اﻷﺷﯾﺎء

اﻧﺗﻘﻠت إﻟﻰ اﻟﺷﺎرع. ﻟﻘد ارﺗﻔﻊ ﻣﺳﺗوى اﻹﺣﺑﺎط إﻟﻰ اﻟﺣد اﻟذي ﻟم ﯾﻌد ﻓﯾﮫ اﻹﯾﻘﺎع اﻷﺻﻠﻲ اﻟﺑطﻲء ﻛﺎﻓﯾﺎً. أوﻣن ﺑﺎﻹﺻﻼح اﻟﺗدرﯾﺟﻲ، وﻟﻛن

أﯾﺿﺎً ﯾﺟب ﺗﻧﻔﯾذه ﺿﻣن ﺑرﻧﺎﻣﺞ زﻣﻧﻲ واﺿﺢ. ﻟﯾس إن اﻟﻣﻠك ﻻ ﯾرﯾد ذﻟك وﻟﻛﻧﻧﻲ أﻋﺗﻘد اﻧﮫ ﯾﺟب ان ﯾﻘود ﻋﻣﻠﯾﺔ ﺗﺳرع اﻹﯾﻘﺎع اﻟﺣﺎﻟﻲ. وﺑﻐﯾر

ذﻟك ﻓﺈﻧﻧﺎ ﺳﻧﺣﺗﺎج إﻟﻰ 30 ﻋﺎﻣﺎً ﻟﻠوﺻول إﻟﻰ ﺑرﻟﻣﺎن ﻗﺎدر ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻣﺎرﺳﺔ ﺻﻼﺣﯾﺎت ﺣﻘﯾﻘﯾﺔ".

إﯾﻘﺎع اﻹﺻﻼح ﺟﻌل أﺻدﻗﺎء اﻟﻣﻠك ﻋﺑدﷲ، وﺧﺻوﺻﺎً ﻓﻲ أﻣرﯾﻛﺎ، ﯾﺧﺷون أﻧﮫ ﺑطﻲء ﺟداً ﺑﺣﯾث ﻟن ﯾﺗﻣﺎﺷﻰ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻣوﺟﺔ اﻟﺛورﯾﺔ اﻟﺗﻲ أطﻠﻘﮭﺎ

اﻟرﺑﯾﻊ اﻟﻌرﺑﻲ. وﻗد ﻋﺑرت وزﯾرة اﻟﺧﺎرﺟﯾﺔ اﻟﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ ھﯾﻼري ﻛﻠﯾﻧﺗون، أﺣﯾﺎﻧﺎً ﺑطرﯾﻘﺔ اﻟﺗﺳﺎؤل، ﻋن رأي ﻣﻔﺎده أن اﻟﻣﻠك ﻋﺑدﷲ ﯾﺳﯾر ﺑﺈﯾﻘﺎع

ﻣﺗﻣﮭل أﻛﺛر ﻣن اﻟﻼزم، وأن اﻷردﻧﯾﯾن أﻛﺛر ﻗدرة ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻧﺎء أﺣزاب ﻣﺑﻧﯾﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻷﻓﻛﺎر ﻣﻣﺎ ﯾﻘدره اﻟﻣﻠك.(ﯾﺣﺎﺟﺞ اﻟﻣﻠك ﺑطرﯾﻘﺔ ﻏﯾر ﻣﻘﻧﻌﺔ أن

إﺟراء اﻻﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﺎت ﺑدون إﻋداد ﻛﺎف ﺳﯾؤدي إﻟﻰ ﻧﺗﺎﺋﺞ ﻋﻛﺳﯾﺔ). وزﯾر اﻟﺧﺎرﺟﯾﺔ اﻟﺟدﯾد ﺟون ﻛﯾري أﻛﺛر دﻋﻣﺎً. ﻣﺑﺎﺷرة ﺑﻌد أن اﺳﺗﻠم زﻣﺎم

اﻷﻣور ﻓﻲ اﻟﺧﺎرﺟﯾﺔ ﻗﺎل ﻛﯾري أﻧﮫ ﯾذﻛر زﯾﺎرة اﻟﻣﻠك ﻟﮫ ﻓﻲ ﺑوﺳطن ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎم 1999، ﺣﯾث أوﺻل ﻋﺑدﷲ إﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺎت واﻋﻣﺎل ﻓﻲ اﻟﻣﻧطﻘﺔ.

”ﻛﺎن ﯾﺗطﻠﻊ إﻟﻰ اﻷﻣﺎم وﻣرﻛزاً ﻋﻠﻰ اﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎد ﻓﯾﻣﺎ ﻛﺎن ﻛﺛﯾر ﻣن ﻗﺎدة اﻟﺷرق اﻷوﺳط ﯾﺗطﻠﻌون ﻓﻲ اﺗﺟﺎه ﻣﺧﺗﻠف". وﻗﺎل ﻛﯾري أﯾﺿﺎً: ”ﻋﺑدﷲ

ﯾﻣﺛل أﺑﻧﺎء اﻟﻣﻧطﻘﺔ ﻣﻣن ﯾﻣﺗﻠﻛون اﻟﺷرف واﻟذﻛﺎء".

اﺳﺗﻘرار اﻷردن، واﺳﺗﻣرار اﻟﺻﺣﺔ اﻟﺟﯾدة ﻟﻠﻣﻠك، ﻛﻼھﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻟطﺑﻊ ﻟﮭﻣﺎ أھﻣﯾﺔ ﻛﺑرى ﻟﻠوﻻﯾﺎت اﻟﻣﺗﺣدة. ﻋﺑدﷲ ﺷرﯾك رﺋﯾﺳﻲ (وﻣﻘﺎول ﻓرﻋﻲ)

ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺗﺎل ﺿد اﻹرھﺎب اﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ، وھو اﻟﺣﺎﻛم ﻟﺑﻠد ﻣن اﻟﺑﻠدان اﻟﻧﺎدرة اﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘرة ﺑﮭذا اﻟﻘدر او ذاك واﻟﻣواﻟﯾﺔ ﻟﻠﻐرب ﻓﻲ ﻣﻧطﻘﺔ ﻣﻘﻠﻘﺔ.

أﺧﺑرﻧﻲ اﻟﺳﯾﻧﺎﺗور ﺟون ﻣﺎﻛﯾن، وھو أﺣد أﻗرب ﺣﻠﻔﺎء اﻟﻣﻠك ﻓﻲ اﻟﻛوﻧﻐرس: ”ھذا اﻟﻣﻠك وواﻟده ﻗﺎﻣوا ﺑﺄﻋﻣﺎل ﻋظﯾﻣﺔ ﻟﻧﺎ. ﺳﺎﻋدﺗﻧﺎ ﺑﻠدان

أﺧرى، وﻟﻛن ﻟﯾس ﺑﺎﻟطرﯾﻘﺔ اﻟﺗﻲ ﺳﺎﻋدﻧﺎ ﺑﮭﺎ اﻷردن". (ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﺳﺄﻟت ﻣﻛﯾن ﻋﻣﺎ إذا ﻛﺎن ﯾﻌﺗﻘد أن ﻋﺑدﷲ ﻛﺎن ﻓﻲ ﺧطر اﻹطﺎﺣﺔ ﺑﮫ ﻛﻣﺎ ﺣﺻل

ﻟﻘﺎدة آﺧرﯾن ﻓﻲ اﻟﻣﻧطﻘﺔ ﻗﺎل:ﻻ. وﻟﻛﻧﮫ أﺿﺎف: ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻧﺎﺣﯾﺔ اﻷﺧرى ﻟم أﻛن أﻋﺗﻘد ان ﻛﺛﯾراً ﻣن أوﻟﺋك اﻟﻘﺎدة ﻛﺎﻧوا ﻓﻲ ﻣﺷﺎﻛل).

ﺑﺎﻟﻧﺳﺑﺔ ﻟﻺﺳراﺋﯾﻠﯾﯾن وﻟﻌرب اﻟﺧﻠﯾﺞ أﯾﺿﺎً ﻓﺈﻧﮫ ﻻ ﻏﻧﻰ ﻋﻧﮫ.ﻋرب اﻟﺧﻠﯾﺞ ﯾروﻧﮫ ﻓﻲ اﻟرﯾﺎدة (ﺗوﺿﯾﺢ ﺧﺑر ﺟو: ﻣﺎ ﯾﺟري ﻋﻠﯾﮫ ﺳﯾﺟري ﻋﻠﯾﮭم

ﻓﻲ وﻗت ﻻﺣق). ﻟم ﺗﺳﻘط أﯾﺔ ﻣﻣﻠﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟرﺑﯾﻊ اﻟﻌرﺑﻲ ﺣﺗﻰ اﻵن. إذا اﺳﺗطﺎع ﻋﺑدﷲ أن ﯾﺗدﺑر طرﯾﻘﮫ، ﻓﺈن ھﻧﺎك اﻣﻼً ﻟﻸﻧظﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺧﻠﯾﺞ

اﻟﻔﺎرﺳﻲ. وزﯾر ﺧﺎرﺟﯾﺔ دوﻟﺔ ﺧﻠﯾﺟﯾﺔ ﻗﺎل: ”ﻧﺣﺗﺎج ان ﻧﻘول ﻹدارة أوﺑﺎﻣﺎ وﻟﻠﻐرب أﻧﮫ إذا ﻟم ﺗدﻋﻣوا ﻋﺑدﷲ ﻓﺈﻧﻛم ﺗﺣﻔرون ﺗﺣت اﻟﻣﻌﺗدﻟﯾن ﻓﻲ

ﻛل اﻟﻣﻧطﻘﺔ وﺳﺗوﻟدون ﻣﻧطﻘﺔ ﻣن اﻟﻣﺗﺷددﯾن".

إﺳراﺋﯾل ھﻲ أھم ﺣﻠﻔﺎء اﻷردن، ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌض اﻟﻣﺟﺎﻻت. ﻋﺑدﷲ ﺟوھري ﺑﺎﻟﻧﺳﺑﺔ ﻟﻺﺳراﺋﯾﻠﯾﯾن، ﻛﺿﺎﻣن ﻟﻠﮭدوء ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﺟﺑﮭﺔ اﻹﺳراﺋﯾﻠﯾﺔ اﻟﺷرﻗﯾﺔ

وﻛﻣداﻓﻊ ﻋن ﻣﻌﺎھدة اﻟﺳﻼم اﻟﺗﻲ ﺻﺎﻏﮭﺎ اﻟﻣﻠك ﺣﺳﯾن ﻣﻊ إﺳﺣق راﺑﯾن ﻓﻲ 1994. اﻷردن وإﺳراﺋﯾل ﯾﻌﻣﻼن ﻣﻌﺎً أﯾﺿﺎً ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻧﻊ اﻟﻔوﺿﻰ ﻓﻲ

ﺳورﯾﺎ ﻣن اﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎل إﻟﻰ ﺑﻠدﯾﮭﻣﺎ. ﻻ ﯾرﻏب اﻟﻣﻠك ﻓﻲ اﻟﺣدﯾث ﻋن ﻋﻣﻠﯾﺎت ﻣﺷﺗرﻛﺔ أردﻧﯾﺔ-إﺳراﺋﯾﻠﯾﺔ، وﻟﻛن ﻣﺻﺎدر ﻣﺗﻌددة ﻓﻲ ﻋﻣﺎن وﺗل أﺑﯾب

أﺧﺑرﺗﻧﻲ أن طﺎﺋرات إﺳراﺋﯾﻠﯾﺔ دون طﯾﺎر ﺗراﻗب اﻟﺣدود اﻷردﻧﯾﺔ اﻟﺳورﯾﺔ ﻟﺣﺳﺎب اﻷردن، وان ﻣﺳؤوﻟﯾن ﻋﺳﻛرﯾﯾن وﻣﺧﺎﺑراﺗﯾﯾن ﻣن اﻟﺑﻠدﯾن

ﯾﺗواﺻﻠون ﺑﺎﺳﺗﻣرار ﻟﻠﺗﺧطﯾط ﻟﻔوﺿﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌد اﻷﺳد.اﻟﻧص اﻟﻛﺎﻣل ﻟﻠﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ اﻟﻣطوﻟﺔ ﻟﻠﻣﻠك ﻓﻲ ﻣﺟﻠﺔ أﺗﻼﻧﺗك: ﺧﺑر ﺟو-ﻧﺄﺗﯾك ﺑﺎﻟﺧﺑر اﻟﯾﻘﯾن ﻋن اﻷردن 3/20/13

ﯾﺗواﺻﻠون ﺑﺎﺳﺗﻣرار ﻟﻠﺗﺧطﯾط ﻟﻔوﺿﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌد اﻷﺳد.

وﺣﺗﻰ ﻣﻊ ﺗﺻورات ﻋﺑدﷲ ﻟﻠﺗﻧﺎزل ﻋن اﻟﻣزﯾد ﻣن ﺳﻠطﺎﺗﮫ ﻹﻻ أﻧﮫ ﯾرﺳم ﺧطﺎً أﺣﻣر واﺣداً: ”ﻻ أرﯾد أن ﺗﺄﺗﻲ ﺣﻛوﻣﺔ وﺗﻘول:ﻧﺣن ﻧرﻓض

ﻣﻌﺎھدة اﻟﺳﻼم ﻣﻊ إﺳراﺋﯾل". وھو ﺣذر ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﯾﺗﺣدث ﻋن رﺋﯾس اﻟوزراء اﻹﺳراﺋﯾﻠﻲ ﺑﻧﯾﺎﻣﯾن ﻧﺗﻧﯾﺎھو واﻟذي ﯾﺗواﺻل ﻣﻌﮫ ﺑﺷﻛل ﻣﻧﺗظم. ﻏﻧﮫ

ﻓﻘط ﯾﻘول أن ﻋﻼﻗﺗﮫ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻧﯾﺎﻣﯾن ﻧﺗﻧﯾﺎھو ”ﻗوﯾﺔ ﺟدا. وﻧﻘﺎﺷﺎﺗﻧﺎ ﺗﺣﺳﻧت ﻓﻌﻼً".

وﻣﻊ أﻧﮫ ﯾﻘر ﺑﺎﻟدور اﻟذي ﯾﻠﻌﺑﮫ ﻧﺗﻧﯾﺎھو ﻓﻲ اﻟﺣﻔﺎظ ﻋﻠﻰ اﺳﺗﻘرار اﻷردن، إﻻ أﻧﮫ ﻟﯾس ﻣﺗﻔﺎﺋﻼً ﻏزاء ﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑل إﺳراﺋﯾل. وﯾﻌرف ﻋن ﻋﺑدﷲ أﻧﮫ

ﯾﺗﺑﻧﻰ ”دوﻟﺗﯾن ﻟﺷﻌﺑﯾن"، إﺳراﺋﯾل اﻵﻣﻧﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺣدود ﻣﺎ ﻗﺑل 1967 وﻓﻠﺳطﯾن اﻟﺗﻲ ﯾﺟب إﻧﺷﺎؤھﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻏزة واﻟﺿﻔﺔ اﻟﻐرﺑﯾﺔ. وﻟﻛن ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﺳﺄﻟﺗﮫ

ﻓﻲ ﻛﺎﻧون اﻟﺛﺎﻧﻲ ﻋن اﻟوﻗت اﻟﻣﺗﺑﻘﻲ ﻟﺗطﺑﯾق ھذه اﻟﻔﻛرة ﻓﺎﺟﺄﺗﻧﻲ إﺟﺎﺑﺗﮫ. ﻗﺎل: ”رﺑﻣﺎ أﺻﺑﺢ اﻟوﻗت ﻣﺗﺄﺧراً ﺟداً ﻟﻔﻛرة ﺣل اﻟدوﻟﺗﯾن. ﻻ اﻋرف.

ﺟزء ﻣﻧﻲ ﯾﺧﺷﻰ أن ذﻟك ﻗد ﺗﺟﺎوزﻧﺎ ﻓﻌﻼً" .

إذا ﻛﻧﺎ ﻣﺗﺎﺧرﯾن، ﻣﺎ اﻟذي ﯾﻌﻧﯾﮫ ذﻟك؟

أﺟﺎب ﺑﻛﻠﻣﺔ واﺣدة: ”إﺳراطﯾن". ذﻟك اﻟﺗﻌﺑﯾر اﻟﺟدﯾد اﻟذي أﺷﺎﻋﮫ اﻟراﺣل ﻣﻌﻣر اﻟﻘذاﻓﻲ ﻟوﺻف رؤﯾﺗﮫ ﺣول دوﻟﺔ ﻣﺷﺗرﻛﺔ ﻋرﺑﯾﺔ-ﯾﮭودﯾﺔ.

ﯾﻘول ﻋﺑدﷲ: إذا ﻟم ﺗواﻓق إﺳراﺋﯾل ﻋﻠﻰ دوﻟﺔ ﻓﻠﺳطﯾﻧﯾﺔ ﺑﺳرﻋﺔ ﺳﯾﻛون ﺧﯾﺎرھﺎ ھو إﻣﺎ اﻷﺑﺎرﺗﮭﯾد أو اﻟدﯾﻣوﻗراطﯾﺔ. واﻟﺳؤال اﻟﻌﻣﻠﻲ ھو ھل

ﺗﺳﺗطﯾﻊ أن ﺗﻔرض ﺳﯾطرة داﺋﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟﻔﻠﺳطﯾﻧﯾﯾن اﻟﻣﺣروﻣﯾن إﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻧﮭﺎﯾﺔ، أو ﺳوف ﺗﺗﺣول ﻓﻲ اﻟﻧﮭﺎﯾﺔ إﻟﻰ ”ﺟﻧوب أﻓرﯾﻘﯾﺎ" واﻟﺗﻲ ﻻ

ﺗﺳﺗطﯾﻊ أن ﺗﺳﺗﻣر ﻛدوﻟﺔ ﻣﻧﺑوذة؟.

ﻗﻠت: ھﻧﺎك ﺑﻌض اﻹﺳراﺋﯾﻠﯾﯾن اﻟذﯾن ﯾﻘدرون إﺳراﺋﯾل ﻛدوﻟﺔ ﯾﮭودﯾﺔ أﻛﺛر ﻣﻣﺎ ﯾﻘدروﻧﮭﺎ ﻛدوﻟﺔ دﯾﻣوﻗراطﯾﺔ. أﺟﺎب :"اﻟطرﯾﻘﺔ اﻟوﺣﯾدة اﻟﺗﻲ

ﺳﺗﺣﺻل ﺑﮭﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟزء ﯾﮭودي ھﻲ أن ﯾﻛون ﻟدﯾك ﺣل اﻟدوﻟﺗﯾن، وھذا ھو اﻟﺟزء اﻟﯾﮭودي".

ﺳﺄﻟﺗﮫ ﻋﻣﺎ إذا ﻛﺎن ﯾﻌﺗﻘد ان اﻟرﺋﯾس أوﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﯾرﯾد أن ﯾﻌﻣل ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻼم اﻟﺷرق اﻷوﺳط، ﻓﻘﺎل: ”ھذا ھو ﺳؤال اﻟﻣﻠﯾون دوﻻر" واﺿﺎف أن ﺟون

ﻛﯾري ﯾﻌﻣل ﺑوﺿوح. وﻗﺎل ﻋﺑدﷲ: ”ﻟدﯾﻧﺎ رﺋﯾس ﻣﻧﺗﺧب ﻟدورة ﺛﺎﻧﯾﺔ"، ﻓﻲ ﻏﺷﺎرة ﻏﻠﻰ أﻧﮫ ﻓﻘط اﻟرﺋﯾس اﻟﻣﻧﺗﺧب ﻟﻠﻣرة اﻟﺛﺎﻧﯾﺔ ﻟدﯾﮫ ﻗدرة

ﻟﻠﻣﻧﺎورة واﻟﺧﺑرة ﻟﻺﺷراف ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻣﻠﯾﺔ اﻟﺳﻼم. ”ھذه ھﻲ اﻟﻠﺣظﺔ اﻷﺧﯾرة. ھل ﯾﻣﻛن ﺗﺣﻘﯾق اﻟﺳﻼم ﻓﻲ 4 ﺳﻧوات؟ ھل ﻧﺣن ﻣﺗﺄﺧرون ﺟداً؟ ﺑﻌد

4 ﺳﻧوات ﺳﯾﻛون ﻛل ﺷﻲء اﻧﺗﮭﻰ".

ﺑﯾﻧﻣﺎ ﯾﺣﺎول اﻟﻣﻠك ﻣﻘﺎوﻣﺔ رﻏﺑﺗﮫ ﻓﻲ ﻗﺿﺎء وﻗت اﻛﺛر ﻣن اﻟﻼزم ﻓﻲ اﻟوﻻﯾﺎت اﻟﻣﺗﺣدة، ذھب ﻓﻲ ﻋدة رﺣﻼت ﻏﯾر ﻣﻌﻠﻧﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺻول اﻟﺻﯾف

ﺑﻌﯾدا ﻋن ﺣرﺳﮫ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺟﻣوﻋﺔ ﻣن اﻻﺻدﻗﺎء ﻓﻲ رﻛوب اﻟدراﺟﺎت ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟطرق اﻟﺳرﯾﻌﺔ. ﻓﻲ اﻟﺻﯾف اﻟﻣﺎﺿﻲ ﺳﺎر اﻟﻣﻠك ﻣﻊ اﺻدﻗﺎﺋﮫ ﺑﻣﺣﺎذاة

ﺧط اﻧﺎﺑﯾب اﻟﻧﻔط اﻟﻌﺎﺑر ﻷﻻﺳﻛﺎ اﻟﻣﻧﺣﻧﻲ اﺑﺗداءا ب ﺑرودو ﺑﺎي. ﻻ أﺣد ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣواﻗف اﻟﺷﺎﺣﻧﺎت ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟطرﯾق اﻟﺳرﯾﻊ ﺗﻌرف ﻋﻠﯾﮫ اﻷﻣر اﻟذي

ﻣن اﻟﻣؤﻛد اﻧﮫ ﺟﻌﻠﮫ ﺳﻌﯾدا. ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ زاره دﯾﻔﯾد ﺑﺗرﯾوس اﻟذﯾن ﻛﺎن ﺣﯾﻧﮭﺎ ﻣدﯾر ال ﺳﻲ اي اﯾﮫ ﻓﻲ اﻟﺧرﯾف اﻟﻣﺎض، ذﻛر اﻟﻣﻠك ﻋﺑدﷲ رﺣﻠﺗﮫ

اﻟﻰ أﻻﺳﻛﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺑﯾل اﻟﺣﺻول ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻌض اﻟﺗﺳﻠﯾﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺳﺎب ﺟﮭﺎز اﻻﻣن اﻟﻘوﻣﻲ اﻻﻣرﯾﻛﻲ " ﻗﻠت ﻻ أﻋرف ﻣن ھو اﻟﻣﺳؤول ﻋن ﻣؤﺳﺳﺔ

اﻷﻣن اﻟداﺧﻠﻲ ﻟﻛن ﻟدي ﺑﻌض اﻟﻣﺧﺎوف. ﻟﻘد ﻛﺎن ھﻧﺎﻟك ﻣﺟﻣوﻋﺔ ﻣن اﻟﻌرب(ﻗﺎﻟﮭﺎ ﺑﻠﻛﻧﺔ اﻻﻣرﯾﻛﯾﯾن اﻟﺟﻧوﺑﯾﯾن اﻟﻣﺣﺎﻓظﯾن) ﯾﺗراﻛﺿون ﺣول

اﻧﺎﺑﯾب ﻧﻔطﻛم وﻟم ﯾوﻗﻔﮭم اﺣد. ﻟم ﯾﺳﺄﻟﻧﺎ اﺣد اي ﺳؤال. ﻣن اﻟذي ﯾﺣﻣﻲ ﺣدودﻛم؟"

ﻣن اﻟﻣﻣﻛن ان ﯾﻛون اﻟﻣﻠك ﻋﺑدͿ ﻣﺄﺧوذا ﺑﺎﻟﻧظﺎم اﻻﻣرﯾﻛﻲ اﻟﻰ درﺟﺔ اﻧﮫ ﯾﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘدﯾر ﻓﺿﺎﺋﻠﮫ. ﻓﻲ ﺧطﺎﺑﮫ ﻋن اﻻﺻﻼح اﻟﺳﯾﺎﺳﻲ ﯾﺗﺧذ

اﻟﻣﻠك اﻟوﻻﯾﺎت اﻟﻣﺗﺣدة ﻛﺎﻟﻧﻣوذج اﻷﻛﻣل. اﻟﺷﻠل و اﻟﺧواء ﻓﻲ واﺷﻧطن ﻻ ﯾﺑدو اﻧﮫ ﻗد اﺛر ﻋﻠﯾﮫ. ﻓﻲ ﻛﺎﻧون اﻟﺛﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻛﻠﻣت ﻣﻌﮫ ﺑﻌد ان ﻗﺎﺑل

ﻣﺟﻣوﻋﺔ ﻣن اﻟﻧﺷطﺎء اﻟﺷﺑﺎب اﻻردﻧﯾﯾن ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺻر. ﻟﻘد ﺷرح اﻟرﺳﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺗﻲ اوﺻﻠﮭﺎ ﻟﮭم :" ﻗﻠت ﻟﮭم اﻧﻛم ﻻ ﺗﻣﻠﻛون ﻣﻔﺎﯾﮭم اﻟﯾﺳﺎر واﻟﯾﻣﯾن

واﻟوﺳط. ﻓﻲ اﻟﻣﻔﮭﻣوم اﻻﻣرﯾﻛﻲ اﻧﺎ ﯾﺳﺎري او دﯾﻣﻘراطﻲ ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﻧﺗﺣدث ﻋن اﻟﺻﺣﺔ واﻟﺗﻌﻠﯾم واﻟﺿراﺋب. اﻧﺎ ﺟﻣﮭوري ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﯾﺗﻌﻠق ﺑﺎﻟدﻓﺎع.

ھذا ھو اﻻﻣر ﺑﺎﻟﻧﺳﺑﺔ ﻟﻲ اﻧﺎ ﻋﺑد ﷲ. ﻛﯾف ﯾﺗﻔق ھذا ﻣﻊ اﻟﻌﻘﻠﯾﺔ اﻻردﻧﯾﺔ؟ ارﯾد ﺷﺑﺎﺑﺎ ﯾﻔﻛرون ﺑﮭذه اﻟطرﯾﻘﺔ. ﻻ ارﯾدﻛم ان ﺗﺗﻔﻘوا ﻣﻌﻲ. اذا

اﺗﻔﻘﺗم ﻣﻌﻲ ﻓﮭذا ﻋظﯾم. ﻓﻲ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺗﻧﺎ اذا ﻟم ﺗﺗﻔق ﻣﻌﻲ ﺳﻧﺑدأ ﺑﺎطﻼق اﻟﻧﺎر ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻌﺿﻧﺎ اﻟﺑﻌض او ﻋﻠﻰ اﻻﻗل ﺳﻧﺑدأ ﺑرﻣﻲ اﻻﺣذﯾﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻌﺿﻧﺎ

اﻟﺑﻌض"

ﺑﺎﻟطﺑﻊ ﺗﻌﺗﺑر ﻣﮭﻣﺔ اﻟﻣﻠك ﻋﺑدﷲ اﻟﻣﻌﻠﻧﺔ ﻧﺑﯾﻠﺔ اذا ﻣﺎ ﺣوﻛﻣت ﻋﻠﻰ ﺿوء ﺣﻘﺎﺋق اﻟﻣﻧطﻘﺔ اﻟﺻﻌﺑﺔ ﺑدﻻ ﻣن ﻣﻘﺎرﻧﺗﮭﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻣﺛﺎﻟﯾﺎت. ﯾﺗﮭﻛم اﻟﺑﻌض

ﺛﺎﺋﻼ اﻧﮫ ﯾﺗﺧﻔﻰ ﻛﺈﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﻣﺣﺎوﻻ اﻟﺣﻔﺎظ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻣﻠﻛﺗﮫ ﺑﺎﻋطﺎء ﺷﻌﺑﮫ وھم اﻟﺗﻐﯾﯾر. اﻟرادﯾﻛﺎﻟﯾون ﯾﻌﺗﺑروﻧﮫ ﻣﺣﺎﻓظﺎ: واﻟﻣﺣﺎﻓظون رادﯾﻛﺎﻟﻲ.

اﻟﺣﻘﯾﻘﺔ اﻧﮫ اﻻﺛﻧﯾن ﻣﻌﺎ ھو اﯾﺿﺎ اﻣر آﺧر: دوﻧﻛﯾﺷوت. ﺣﻛم اﻷﺟدر و اﻟدﯾﻣﻘراطﯾﺔ اﻟﺗﻌددﯾﺔ ھﻲ ﻟﯾﺳت أﻓﻛﺎر ﺑﻠده ﺣﺎﺿرة ان ﺗﻘﺑﻠﮭﺎ. ﻣن

اﻟﻣﻣﻛن ان ﯾﻌزا ذﻟك إﻟﻰ ان ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ اﻻردن ﻏﯾر ﻣرﻧﺔ ﻛﻣﺎ ﯾﺣﺑﮭﺎ ان ﺗﻛون او ﯾﻣﻛن ﻷن ﻧﺑل ﻧواﯾﺎه ﻻ ﺗﻣﺎﺛﻠﮭﺎ ﻛﻔﺎءة ﻗدراﺗﮫ.

اﻟﻣﻠك ﻋﺑد ﷲ ﯾﺑدو راﻏﺑﺎ ﺑﺷﻛل ﺣﻘﯾﻘﻲ ان ﯾﺻﺑﺢ ﺷﻌﺑﮫ أﻏﻧﻰ، أﺳﻌد، وﻣﺗﻣﻛﻧﺎ ﺳﯾﺎﺳﯾﺎ اﻛﺛر ﻣﻧﮫ اﻵن. وﻟﻛﻧﮫ اﯾﺿﺎ ﯾﻌﻠم ان اﺳﺗﻣرار ﺣﻛم

اﻟﮭﺎﺷﻣﯾﯾن ﯾﻌﺗﻣد ﻋﻠﻰ رﺿﻰ اﻻردﻧﯾﯾن. ﻓﻲ زﯾﺎرة اﻟﻰ ﻋﻣﺎن ﻓﻲ ﻣؤﺧرا ﻻﺣظت اﻣرا ﺟدﯾدا: ﺻور اﺑﻧﮫ ذو ال18 ﻋﺎﻣﺎ، وﻟﻲ اﻟﻌﮭد اﻻﻣﯾر

ﺣﺳﯾن، ﻗد اﻧﺗﺷرت اﻟﻐرف اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻘﺻر ﻛﻣﺎ ھو اﻟﺣﺎل ﻓﻲ اﻧﺣﺎء اﻟﻣﻣﻠﻛﺔ. ﺑﺻﻔﺗﮫ اﻻﺑن اﻷﻛﺑر ﻟﻌﺑدﷲ، ﻣن اﻟﻣﺗوﻗﻊ ان ﯾرث اﻟﺣﺳﯾن

ﻋرش اﺑﯾﮫ. اﺛﻧﺎء ﻣﺟﻣل ﺣدﯾﺛﻧﺎ ﺑدا ظﺎھرا ان اﻟﻣﻠك ﻋﺑدͿ ﻗد ﻛﺎن ﻣﺷﻐوﻻ ﺑﺿﻣﺎن اﻧﺗﻘﺎل ﺳﻠس ﻟﺣﻛم اﺑﻧﮫ. ﻋﻣر اﻟﻣﻠك ﻋﺑد ﷲ 51 ﻋﺎﻣﺎ ﻟﻛﻧﮫ

ﻟﯾس ﺟﺎھﻼ ﻛﻣﺎ اﺧﺑرﻧﻲ اﺛﻧﯾن ﻣن اﻟﻣﻘرﺑﯾن ﻣﻧﮫ ان اﺑﺎه ﻗد ﺗوﻓﻲ ﻋن ﻋﻣر ال 63.

اﺑﺗﻌث اﻟﻣﻠك ﻋﺑدͿ اﻟﺣﺳﯾن اﻟﻰ واﺷﻧطن ﻟﯾﺗﺄﻛد اﻧﮫ ﯾﻔﻛر ﺑﺎﻟﺳﯾﺎﺳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟطرﯾﻘﺔ اﻻﻣرﯾﻛﯾﺔ. ﺑﻌد ﻋدة ﺳﻧوات ﻣن اﻟدراﺳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟطراز

اﻻرﻣﯾﻛﻲ ﻓﻲ أﻛﺎدﯾﻣﯾﺔ اﻟﻣﻠوك. اﻻﻣﯾر ﺣﺳﯾن اﻵن طﺎﻟب ﺳﻧﺔ اوﻟﻰ ﻓﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺟورج ﺗﺎون.

ﻗﺎل ﻟﻲ اﻟﻣﻠك اﻧﮫ ﻧﺎدم ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺳﻣﯾﺔ اﻟﺣﺳﯾن وﻟﯾﺎ ﻟﻠﻌﮭد ﻓﻲ وﻗت ﻣﺑﻛر ﻓﻲ ﺣﯾﺎﺗﮫ. ”ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﺟﻌﻠﺗﮫ وﻟﯾﺎ ﻟﻠﻌﮭد ﻻ اظن اﻧﮫ ﻛﺎن ﺳﻌﯾدا ﺟدا" ﻗﺎل

اﻟﻣﻠك. " ﻛﺎن ﻋﻣره 15 ﺳﻧﺔ وﻻ أطﻧﮫ ﻛﺎن ﺳﻌﯾدا ﺑﻲ ﻛﺛﯾرا". ﻟﻛن ﺑﺗﺳﻣﯾﺗﮫ وﻟﯾﺎ ﻟﻠﻌﮭد ﻓﻲ وﻗت ﻣﺑﻛرو آﻣل اﻟﻣﻠك ﻋﺑدﷲ ان ﯾﺗﺟﻧب اﻻﺿطراب

و اﻟﺗوﺟس ﻓﻲ اﻟﻣﻣﻠﻛﺔ اﻟذي ﺻﺎﺣب آﺧر أﯾﺎم واﻟده.

اﻟﻣﻠك ﻋﺑدͿ ﻧﻔﺳﮫ ﻛﺎن ﻗد ﺟﻌل وﻟﯾﺎ ﻟﻠﻌﮭد دون اي ﻣﻘدﻣﺎت، ﻗﺑل اﺳﺑوﻋﯾن ﻓﻘط ﻣن وﻓﺎة واﻟده ﺑﺎﻟﺳرطﺎن. ﺣﺗﻰ ذﻟك اﻟﺣﯾن ﻛﺎن أﺧو اﻟﺣﺳﯾن

ﻏﯾر اﻟﻣﺣظوظ، اﻟﺣﺳن، وﻟﯾﺎ ﻟﻠﻌﮭد. وﻋﺑد ﷲ ﻋﺎش اﻟﻰ ﺣد ﻛﺑﯾر ﺣﯾﺎة ﻣﻐﻣورة ﻓﻲ اﻟﺟﯾش. ”ﺑﺎﻟﻧظر اﻟﻰ اﻟوراء اﻟﻰ ﺣﯾﺎﺗﻲ، ﻟﻘد ﻛﻧت ﻓورﯾﺳت

ﻏﻣب." ﻗﺎل اﻟﻣﻠك. ”ﻟﻘد راﻓﻘت واﻟدي ﻓﻲ ﻛل اﻷزﻣﺎت ﻟﻛن ﻟم ﺗﺳﻠط داﺋرة اﻟﺿوء ﻋل. ﻛﻧت اﺷﺎھد واﺗﻌﻠم دون اي ﺿﻐوط." ﻣﻌرﻓﺔ ﺣﺟم

اﻟﺿﻐط اﻟذي ﻓرض ﻋﻠﻰ وﻟده ﻋن ﺗﺳﻣﯾﺗﮫ وﻟﯾﺎ ﻟﻠﻌﮭد ”اﻧﺗﺞ اﺿطراﺑﺎ ﻛﺑﯾرا" ﻟدى اﻟﻣﻠك ﻋﺑد ﷲ. اﻟﻣﻠﻛﺔ اﯾﺿﺎ ﺗﻘول اﻧﮭﺎ ﻟم ﺗﻛون ﺳﻌﯾدة

ﺑﺎﻟﺗﺣدﯾد ﻋن ﺗرﻗﯾﺔ اﻟﺣﺳﯾن. ”ﻛﺎن ﺻراﻋﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻧﺳﺑﺔ ﻟﻲ" ﻗﺎﻟت. ”ﻷن اﻷم ﺗرﯾد ﻷﺳﻧﺎءھﺎ ان ﯾﻌﯾﺷوا ﺣﯾﺎة اﻋﺗﯾﺎدا ﻷﻗﺻﻰ ﺣد. ﺣﯾﺎة دون ﺷﮭرة

ﺑﻌﯾدة ﻋن اﻟﺻراﻋﺎت. وﻧﺣن ﻣﺗﺄﻛدون ان ھذا ﺑﺎﻟﺗﺄﻛﯾد ھو ﻟﯾس ﻣﺎ ﻗدﻣﻧﺎه ﻟﮫ"

”ﻟم أﺷﺄ ان اﻓﻌل ھذا ﻟطﻔل ﺻﻐﯾر" ﻗﺎل اﻟﻣﻠك. ”ﻟﻘد ﻧﺿﺞ ﻛﺛﯾرا ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﯾن اﻻﺧﯾرﯾن. ﺑﺎت ﯾﻔﮭم اﻟﻣﺳؤوﻟﯾﺔ. ﻟن ﯾﻌش اﻟﺣﯾﺎة اﻟﺗﻲ ﻋﺷﺗﮭﺎ…

ﻛﻣراھق او ﻛﺿﺎﺑط ﺷﺎب، ﻻ أﺣد ﻛﺎن ﯾراﻗﺑﻧﻲ. ﻟم ﯾﮭﺗم أﺣد ﺑﻣﻛﺎﻧﺗﻲ. ﻛﺎن ﻋﻧدي اﻟﻘدرة ان اﺗطور وان اﻛون اﻟﺻداﻗﺎت وان أرى اﻟﻌﺎﻟم دون

ان ﯾﺄﺧذ اﻟﻧﺎس ﺻورا ﻟﻲ ﯾﻣﯾﻧﺎ وﯾﺳﺎرا. اﻟﻠﻘب ﺳﯾﻼﺣﻘﮫ. اﻧﺎ ﻟم اﺻﻧﻊ ﻟﮫ ﺧﯾرا"

اﻓﺿل ﻣﺎ ﯾﻣﻛن ﺗﻘدﯾﻣﮫ ﻹﺑﻧﮫ اﻻن، ﯾﻘول اﻟﻣﻠك, ھو اﻟﺗﺧﻔﯾف ﻣن ﺗرﻛﯾز ﻗوة اﻟﻌرش. ”اﻟﻣﻠﻛﯾﺎت ﺳﺗﺗﻐﯾر، ﻋﻧدﻣﺎ ﯾﺻﺑﺢ اﺑﻧﻲ ﻣﻠﻛﺎ اﻟﻧظﺎم ﺳﯾﻛون

ﻗد اﺳﺗﻘر و ﺳﯾﻛون ﻣﻠﻛﯾﺔ دﺳﺗورﯾﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ اﻟطراز اﻟﻐرﺑﻲ" ﻟﻛﻧﮫ ﯾﺿﯾف ”ﺣﺗﻰ ﻣﻊ ﻛل اﻟﺗﻐﯾﯾر اﻟذي اﻗوم ﺑﮫ ھﻧﺎ ﺳﯾﺳﺗﻣر وﺟود اﻟﻣﻠﻛﯾﺔ". ﻋﺑدͿ

ﯾرﻏب ﻓﻲ رؤﯾو اﺑﻧﮫ رﻣزا ﻟﻠوﺣدة اﻟوطﻧﯾﺔ وﻣﺻدر ﻟﻺﻟﮭﺎم اﻻﺧﻼﻗﻲ. وﯾﺄﻣل ﻟوﻟده ”ان ﻻ ﯾﺣﺗﺎج ﻟﯾﻌﻣل ﺑﻌﻧﺎء ﺑﻘﯾﺔ ﺣﯾﺎﺗﮭز اﺣب ﻟو ﯾﻌﻣل ﺑﺟد

ﻟﻛن دون ﻛل ھذه اﻟﺿﻐوط".

ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﯾرﯾده ﻋﺑدﷲ ھو ان ﯾﺳﺗﻠم اﺑﻧﮫ اﻟﻌرش ﻓﻲ وﺿﻊ ”ﯾﺷﺑﮫ وﺿﻊ ﺑﺷﺎر اﻟﯾوم". ﺑل ان ﯾﺻﺑﺢ اﻟﺣﺳﯾن ﻣﻠﻛﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ أردن ﺣﯾث ”اﻟﻧﺎس ﺳﻌداء

وﯾﺣﺑون ﻻﻣﻠﻛﻠﯾﺔ ﻛﻣﺎ رأﯾت اﻟﺗوق ﻧﺣو اﻟﻣﻠﻛﺔ اﻟﯾزاﺑﯾث ﻓﻲ اﻧﺟﻠﺗرا"

Monarch in the Middle

As the Arab Spring swirls around him, can King Abdullah II, the most pro-American Arab leader

in the Middle East, liberalize Jordan and modernize its economy, without losing his kingdom to

.Islamic fundamentalists? The stressful life of a king amidst chaos

JEFFREY GOLDBERGMAR 18 2013, 6:56 PM ET

-———————

.It is still, on occasion, good to be the king

It is not necessarily good to be the king of a Middle Eastern country that is bereft of oil; nor is it

necessarily so wonderful to be the king during the turmoil and uncertainty of the Arab Spring. It

is certainly not good to be the king when the mystique that once enveloped your throne is

.evaporating

But when a squadron of Black Hawk helicopters is reserved for your use, and when you are the

type of king who finds release from the pressures of monarchy by piloting those Black Hawks

.up and down the length of your sand-covered kingdom—then it is still good to be the king

One morning last fall, Abdullah II bin Al-Hussein, the fourth Hashemite king of Jordan, rolled up

to a helipad situated close to the royal office complex in Al Hummar, on the western edge of the

capital, Amman. He stepped out of an armored Mercedes—he drove himself, and drove fast,اﻟﻧص اﻟﻛﺎﻣل ﻟﻠﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ اﻟﻣطوﻟﺔ ﻟﻠﻣﻠك ﻓﻲ ﻣﺟﻠﺔ أﺗﻼﻧﺗك: ﺧﺑر ﺟو-ﻧﺄﺗﯾك ﺑﺎﻟﺧﺑر اﻟﯾﻘﯾن ﻋن اﻷردن 3/20/13

www.khabarjo.net/?p=20221 9/27

capital, Amman. He stepped out of an armored Mercedes—he drove himself, and drove fast,

like he was being chased—and hustled to one of his Black Hawks. The king, who as a young

prince served as a commander in the Royal Jordanian special forces, climbed into the pilot’s

seat, talked for a moment with his co‑pilot, a trusted member of the Royal Squadron, and lifted

off, pointing us in the direction of the rough, unhappy city of Karak, about 80 miles to the south.

.A second Black Hawk, filled with bodyguards, lifted off a moment later

The king was flying himself to Karak, which is one of the poorer cities in a distressingly poor

country, to have lunch with the leaders of Jordan’s largest tribes, which form the spine of

Jordan’s military and political elite. More than half of all Jordanians are of Palestinian origin,

with roots on the West Bank of the Jordan River, but the tribal leaders are from the East Bank,

and the Hashemite kings have depended on East Bankers to defend the throne since the

Hashemites first came to what was then called Transjordan from Mecca almost 100 years ago.

This relationship has a coldly transactional quality: in exchange for their support of the royal

court, the leaders of the eastern tribes expect the Hashemites to protect their privileges, and

to limit the power of the Palestinians. When the Hashemites appear insufficiently attentive,

.problems inevitably follow

Earlier that day, in his private office in Al Hummar, which overlooks the wealthy neighborhoods

of West Amman, the king had explained to me the reason for the trip to Karak: he was trying, in

advance of parliamentary elections in January, to instruct these tribal leaders on the

importance of representative democracy. He wanted, he said, to see Jordanians build political

parties that would not simply function as patronage mills but would advance ideas from across

a broad ideological spectrum, and thus establish for Jordan a mature political culture. He said

he would like to see Palestinians more proportionately represented in parliament. And he

would like to do all this, he explained, without allowing the Muslim Brotherhood—a "Masonic

cult” (as he describes it) that today controls the most formidable political organization in

Jordan, the Islamic Action Front—to hijack the cause of democratic reform in the name of Islam.

In other words, the king wants to bring political reform to Jordan, and to cede some of his

.power to the people—but only to the right people

It was obvious to me that King Abdullah was looking forward to flying his helicopter—but not so

much to the meeting that awaited him in Karak. "I’m sitting with the old dinosaurs today,” he

.told me

The men he would be meeting—a former prime minister among them—were leaders of the

National Current Party, which had the support of many East Bankers of the south, and which

would almost certainly control a substantial bloc of seats in the next parliament. What the party

stood for, however, beyond patronage and the status quo, was not entirely clear, even to the

king. Shortly after the eruption of the Arab Spring, the king told me, he met with Abdul Hadi alMajali, the leader of the party. "I read your economic and social manifesto, and it scared the

crap out of me,” the king said he told Majali. "This makes no sense whatsoever. If you’re going

to reach out to the 70 percent of the population that is younger than me, you’ve got to work on

this.” The party manifesto, the king told me, "didn’t have anything. It was slogans. There was

no program. Nothing.” He went on, "It’s all about ‘I’ll vote for this guy because I’m in his tribe.’ I

”.want this guy to develop a program that at least people will begin to understand

The king landed his helicopter on a soccer field on the outskirts of Karak. The tribal leaders,اﻟﻧص اﻟﻛﺎﻣل ﻟﻠﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ اﻟﻣطوﻟﺔ ﻟﻠﻣﻠك ﻓﻲ ﻣﺟﻠﺔ أﺗﻼﻧﺗك: ﺧﺑر ﺟو-ﻧﺄﺗﯾك ﺑﺎﻟﺧﺑر اﻟﯾﻘﯾن ﻋن اﻷردن 3/20/13

www.khabarjo.net/?p=20221 10/27

The king landed his helicopter on a soccer field on the outskirts of Karak. The tribal leaders,

many of whom had served Abdullah’s father, the late King Hussein, were lined up to greet the

king as his motorcade traveled the short distance from the improvised landing pad to a large

meeting hall. There were kisses and handshakes and protestations of loyalty to the throne,

followed by a lunch of mansaf, lamb cooked in fermented yogurt. Although mansaf is usually

eaten with the right hand, the left hand placed behind the back, forks were distributed in a

concession to modernity. Still, the meal was eaten standing up around a long, narrow table, in

.the Bedouin tradition

Then the business of the afternoon was conducted. The 30 or so men (and one woman, a

daughter of one of the tribal leaders) sat on couches against the walls. Tea was served. The

king made a short plea for economic reform and for expanding political participation, and then

the floor was opened. Leader after leader—many of whom were extremely old, many of whom

merely had the appearance of being old—made small-bore requests and complaints. One of the

men proposed an idea for the king’s consideration: "In the old days, we had night watchmen in

the towns. They would be given sticks. The government should bring this back. It would be for

”.security, and it would create more jobs for the young men

I was seated directly across the room from the king, and I caught his attention for a moment; he

gave me a brief, wide-eyed look. He was interested in high-tech innovation, and in girls’

education, and in trimming the overstuffed government payroll. A jobs plan focused on men

.with sticks was not his idea of effective economic reform

As we were leaving Karak a little while later, I asked him about the men-with-sticks idea.

."There’s a lot of work to do,” he said, with fatigue in his voice

We boarded the Black Hawk and took off. I was seated behind the king. He asked me whether I

wanted to make a detour: "Have you ever seen Mount Nebo from the air?” He flew northwest,

toward the mountain from which, the Bible tells us, God showed Moses the Land of Israel. The

Dead Sea shimmered just beyond. I suggested a quick detour to Jerusalem, which was 30 miles

away. "The cousins like to have more warning,” one of his aides said with a smirk. "The

.cousins” are the Israelis

The king seemed to be in no rush to return to Amman. As we approached Mount Nebo, we

passed over the ruins of the ancient fortress of Machaerus, which was built by the

Hasmoneans, and then rebuilt and enlarged by King Herod the Great in 30 B.C. Machaerus is

where Herod’s son, Herod Antipas, is said to have delivered to Salome the head of John the

.Baptist

That Herod,” Abdullah said. "Quite a character.” I wasn’t clear on which Herod he meant,"

father or son, but no matter. Each one had his idiosyncrasies. "Not a role model for you?,” I

.asked

”.No,” he said. "I have different role models"

The King’s Palace in Al Hummar is not Herodian in scale, but it is still sizable, expensively

decorated, and well shielded from the noise of the city below. The complex is attached to the

King Hussein bin Talal Mosque, which can hold 5,500 worshippers. (Abdullah commissioned

the mosque to honor his father.) Hummar is guarded by machine guns mounted on jeeps, and

by members of the Jordanian Armed Forces Security and Protection Unit of the Supreme

Commander. Inside the palace, Circassian guards, who wear black astrakhans and carry silver

.swords, stand watch outside his office

Men in Bedouin dress carrying smoking incense burners move quietly from room to room. The

many waiting rooms are decorated elegantly, adorned with photographs of the ruins of the

.ancient Nabataean city of Petra, and with portraits of the past kings of Jordan

The palace complex is under the unforgiving control of the chief of royal protocol, whose staff

works assiduously to maintain an atmosphere of silence and reverence. But the atmosphere

inside the king’s private office, where I spent many hours talking with him in recent months, is

one of unstudied informality. Abdullah has, in some ways, grown accustomed to the trappings

of the throne—when I first met him, not long after he took office more than 14 years ago, he

told me that being addressed as "Your Majesty” made him queasy; he seems to have, over the

years, adjusted to this aspect of kingship—but he still dislikes ceremony and prefers blunt talk

.to politesse

He seems in many ways to be a contradiction—an Arab king who happens to be a direct

descendant of the Prophet Muhammad, evangelizing for liberal, secular, democratic rule. But

Abdullah, now nearly a decade and a half into his reign, is, in his own conception, a political and

economic reformer. He says he understands that the Hashemite throne, and perhaps Jordan

itself, will not survive the coming decades if he does not move his country briskly toward

.modernity

It is a small miracle, of course, that he is still in power at all. He has survived the first wave of

the Arab Spring revolutions, which have so far claimed the leaders of Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and

Yemen, and will almost inevitably claim the Syrian president as well. But he has been roughed

.up in the process

Geography has cursed Jordan. To Abdullah’s north is the charnel house of Syria, a failed state

in the making. To his east is Iraq’s bloody Anbar province. Saudi Arabia, ruled by the

superannuated princes of the House of Saud, the ancient rivals of the Hashemites, sits to his

southeast. To his west are the obstreperous Israelis, as well as the disputatious Palestinians.

Al‑Qaeda wants to kill him. The Iranian regime doesn’t like him very much either, especially

since he denounced, in 2004, what he saw as a rising, Iranian-led "Shia crescent” looming over

the Middle East. His country is broke, dependent on the United States, the International

Monetary Fund, and haughty gulf Arabs to cover its budget. (The IMF recently forced fuel-price

(.hikes that have intensified the domestic resentment directed at the throne

Demonstrations in Jordan’s main cities have been modest compared with those that led to

regime change in Cairo and Tunis, but they have nevertheless been vociferous. Protesters

have denounced the king as "Ali Baba,” and his family as the 40 thieves. They have made a

special target of his wife, the stunning—and stunningly modern—Queen Rania, who is

considered an icon of fashion and women’s empowerment in the West but is vilified at home.

They have, on occasion, touted one of the king’s younger half brothers, Prince Hamzah, as an

alternative to Abdullah. At the outset of his rule, Abdullah and Rania were broadly venerated.

.Not anymore

Abdullah is a semi-absolute monarch—the country has a prime minister, and an elected lower

house of parliament, but he can dismiss the prime minister and dissolve the parliament if he

sees fit. Hiring and firing prime ministers has eaten up a lot of his time recently—he’s gone

through six in the past five years—and he says he would like to remove himself from the

process. "My blood pressure goes highest—my wife knows this—when we have to change

”.governments,” he told me. "Whenever we go through that cycle, nobody is going to be happy

Abdullah kept repeating that he wanted to devolve power to an elected parliament, so I finally

asked him whether he wanted a purely ceremonial role: "You don’t want to be Queen

”?Elizabeth, do you

Well, where are monarchies in 50 years?” he said. He clearly understands that monarchy is"

not a growth industry. But does his extended family understand this? The Hashemites are a

small family, at least compared with the Saudi family. Still, he has 11 siblings and half siblings,

.as well as many aunts and uncles and cousins, each one a royal

No, members of my family don’t get it,” he said. "They’re not involved day-to-day. The further"

away you’re removed from this chair, the more of a prince or a princess you are. That happens

in all royal families, I think. The further you are from this chair, the more you believe in absolute

”.monarchy. That’s the best way of describing it. And that just doesn’t work

When I met King Abdullah, in 1999, shortly after the death of his father, he was new to the

throne and filled with reformist zeal. Privatization, modernization, and political liberalization

were all high on the agenda. He told me then, with a confidence born of inexperience, "Our

”.country has a lot of challenges, but I think they are all manageable

He was already straining against protocol, and he told me that he loathed sycophancy and

hated isolation. Early in his reign, he would occasionally dress as a peasant and mix with

common people, to learn their desires and frustrations. I accompanied him on one such foray,

to Zarqa, a city of disaffected Palestinians and perpetually enraged Islamists situated northeast

.of Amman

We visited the local office of the finance ministry, as well as the city’s public hospital, neither of

which appeared to be providing anything approaching quality service. The king watched as

bloodless bureaucrats ignored reasonable requests by his browbeaten subjects. Eventually,

his presence was discovered (the lurking American reporter in khakis made it hard for the king

to hide his identity), and a crowd quickly gathered, filled with old women shouting blessings at

him. We made a frantic dash to a nearby paratrooper base. I asked him to describe what he

thought officials in Zarqa should be feeling at that moment. "Panic,” he said, with a half-smile.

.He would, he said, be writing a report

Though he was distressed by what he saw, he seemed buoyed by the visit. In those early days,

he imagined that the people of Jordan were ready to be his partners in lifting the country out of

its archaic ways. Abdullah’s father, King Hussein, was a shrewd ruler, a skilled survivor, and a

heroic peacemaker—but he was not a modern manager, and he bequeathed to his son a

sclerotic economy and a political system built on wasta, or favoritism, and the exploitation of

.tribal rivalries. Abdullah believed he would fix all that

But the future was lying in ambush. The Palestinian uprising; September 11; the invasions of

Afghanistan and Iraq—all of this was ahead. Within a few years, Zarqa would become best

.known as the birthplace of Abu Musab al‑Zarqawi, the master terrorist

The intervening years have taken their toll. The king has gone decisively gray, and his

forehead is lined. I noticed, on a couple of recent occasions, a heaviness about him, and I told

.him so

You know,” the king said, "when I reached my 10-year anniversary, I remember sitting down"

” ’.with members of my family and my close friends and saying, ‘I don’t want to do this anymore

.You can’t just quit,” I said"

.That’s what they said,” he responded"

King Abdullah is not only a direct descendant of the Prophet Muhammad; he is the son,

grandson, and great-grandson of Hashemite kings, and he is the great-great-grandson of the

last sharif of Mecca. Abdication is not a realistic option. And yet, here he was, admitting that the

thought had crossed his mind. "I just said that I was so depressed because of all the forces I

was dealing with on the inside,” the king said. "It wasn’t the outside—the outside, I

”.understood. It was inside

He had complained before about "inside” political forces, but only elliptically, and I had

assumed he was referring to the Islamic Action Front, the Muslim Brotherhood’s Jordanian

.branch. But now he identified a different foe

Institutions I had trusted were just not on board,” he said. "It was the mukhabarat”—the"

secret police—"and the others, and the old guard.” The mukhabarat, which is known in English

as the General Intelligence Department, or GID, is devoted, in principle, to the protection of

the Hashemite crown. Its foreboding headquarters could be mistaken for a shrine to the

Hashemites. Oversize portraits of Abdullah and his family, and of the previous kings of Jordan,

adorn many of its meeting rooms. The GID is the most respected Arab intelligence service; its

agents are known for their ability to penetrate al‑Qaeda and other Islamist groups. (It has also

been known to use torture: its headquarters was for a while known in Western diplomatic and

(”.intelligence circles as "the fingernail factory

American officials, and political dissidents inside the kingdom, believe that GID officials have

inserted themselves into Jordanian politics, for personal financial gain and to advance the

agendas of East Bank Jordanians who wish to marginalize both Islamists and Palestinians. The

king believes that each time he has tried to make a noteworthy reform—redrawing

parliamentary districts to allow Palestinians a greater presence in the lower house of

parliament, for instance—the GID, along with reactionaries in the political elite, have subverted

his attempts. "I didn’t realize the extent to which the conservative elements had [penetrated]

institutions like the GID,” he said. "It became apparent in later years how they were embedded

”.in certain institutions. Two steps forward, one step back

GID troublemaking "was something that I inherited from my father,” the king told me. In the

1980s, riots broke out in the southern city of Ma’an, and he said his father suspected that

either the Saudis or GID agents were fomenting them. "The GID was always problematic.” The

king said one reason his difficulties with the GID have festered so long is his own gullibility. "I

was naive enough to think—coming from the army, since in the army they said ‘Yes, sir’—the

” ’.GID would say ‘Yes, sir

Today, he says, he is making progress in reforming the agency. Two recent GID chiefs have

gone to jail for corruption. A third died in disgrace. The current head is trying to depoliticize

.the agency, officials in Jordan say, aided by management advice from the CIA

Jordan has always been beleaguered by corruption. In the old days, King Hussein was

somewhat obvious about it, giving duty-free Mercedeses to loyalists and cronies. Critics say

the situation hasn’t much improved since then. King Abdullah, in his early years, tried to bring

more transparency to government budgeting, but his reputation for clean living has been

damaged by allegations that family members have profited from the sale of government lands,

and by charges that various family members and friends have otherwise benefited from their

connections to the palace. Walid al‑Kurdi, the husband of Princess Basma, the late King

Hussein’s sister, recently fled to London rather than face charges that he embezzled millions

from the country’s phosphate industry. The king himself has been subjected to rumors that he

.is an overenthusiastic gambler

Abdullah is defensive about charges that his family reaches for special privileges. In our

conversations, he lashed out against relatives whose behavior he sees as a liability to

Hashemite rule. "Look at some of my brothers. They believe that they’re princes, but my

cousins are more princes than my brothers, and their in‑laws are like—oh my God,” he said.

"I’m always having to stop members of my family from putting lights on their guard cars. I arrest

members of my family and take their cars away from them and cut off their fuel rations and make

”.them stop at traffic lights. I’m trying to be that example

Family sensitivities, he went on, "become irrelevant. If you catch my son being corrupt, take

him to court. I’ve said that quite clearly from day one. What I’m trying to say is that everybody

else is expendable in the royal family. Does that make sense? That’s the reality of the Arab

Spring that hit me.” Abdullah does not want corrupt family members or courtiers—or anyone

else—to be able to sink him, the way the petty (and grand) corruptions of the Mubaraks, and

.other ruling families, sunk those leaders

When I passed along the king’s harsh commentary to a family member, that family member—

who did not want to be named—gave an Alice in Wonderland–esque response: "His Majesty is

”.His Majesty, and if His Majesty believes this to be an issue, then His Majesty is correct

His Majesty’s wife, the elegant and forthright Rania, has largely been hidden from the

international press since the onset of the Arab Spring. Ever since the royal court staged an

elaborate birthday party for her in 2010 in Wadi Rum, in the desert of southern Jordan, the

woman Oprah Winfrey once described as an "international fashion icon” has been viewed with

contempt by many Jordanians. (When she is photographed at all these days, it tends to be in

(.schools and hospitals

Vicious gossip, the king says, is part of the capital’s terrain. Take the rumors about his

gambling habit. "Look, the issue of gambling came out from West Amman,” he said, referring to

the neighborhood that is home to the country’s political and financial elite. "I don’t even play

cards, and the reason why I don’t gamble is probably that I just can’t count. When I see a seven,

it looks like an eight. I had an American guy come and say, ‘There’s a concern about gambling.’

But with your government and your CIA and everybody, where could a king [with an

”?international] profile go and gamble

He went on, "West Amman came out with stories that my son was deaf, my daughter was blind,

all of this. They did this with my dad, too. There was a story that my father and I were going out

”.with a stewardess and we killed her and buried her

In a conversation I had with the queen—a conversation carefully regulated by royal-court

functionaries—she explained the current mood in Jordan this way: "In good times, people are

more generous with giving you the benefit of the doubt. In difficult times, you know that people

are going to cast doubt even when you are saying the truth. People are not generous. They

”.don’t give you the benefit of the doubt

That Herod,” Abdullah said as we flew over the ruins of the ancient king’s fortress. "Quite a"

”.character.” "Not a role model for you?,” I asked. "No,” he said. "I have different role models

The king says that his inexperience—with governance, with the way he managed perceptions

—explains why he hasn’t been more successful in pushing through modernizing political

reforms. In the eyes of his critics among Jordanian liberals—including many of the men who

worked for him in the first, hopeful years of his reign—he allowed himself to be

outmaneuvered. Some of the changes he is trying to make today—building political parties,

rewriting the country’s election laws to make parliament more representative—were on the

agenda several years ago. In 2005, as pressure mounted on the king to open up society in

accordance with his public promises, he appointed Marwan Muasher, one of his reformist

.aides, to formulate a comprehensive reform program

The National Agenda, as it came to be known, was an ambitious plan for systemic change in

many sectors of national life. One of the agenda items was to increase the number of seats in

parliament reserved for candidates affiliated with national parties. Previously, the vast majority

of parliamentarians had been elected by district, a system that encouraged voting based on

patronage and tribal loyalty. The National Agenda was going to change all that. But before it

could, the conservatives rose up and went to the king. According to several people familiar

with the fateful meeting, a leading senator said to Abdullah: "This is a leap into the unknown.”

.The National Agenda was not implemented

But in the wake of the Arab Spring, which has toppled autocracies around the region, Abdullah

has finally managed to engineer a new election system that resembles, in a modest way, the

vision of the National Agenda. Twenty-seven of the 150 seats in the lower house of parliament,

which was itself expanded, were filled through national voting. Queen Rania told me that her

husband was finally able to achieve the electoral reforms because the pressure of the Arab

Spring had concentrated the attention of Jordan’s elites. "In a sense, I think the political

upheaval of the last two years, it was a different kind of challenge—it brought about an

atmosphere of open criticism,” she said. "What’s nice about that is it allowed him”—King

Abdullah—"to reciprocate the frankness, to really go out and say what he believes in … I think

that’s why, on several occasions, he will say that he saw the Arab Spring as an opportunity. The

Arab Spring gave him the opportunity really to go out very candidly and express it in a very

”.open way, and it gave us all the opportunity to really see him for who he is

But the Arab Spring may also mean that the king is running out of time. "The luxury of infinite

time is no more,” Marwan Muasher told me, "because things have gone to the streets. The

level of frustration is elevated to the point where the original slow pace is not adequate. I

believe in gradual reform, but I think it must also be sustained with a clear time line. It’s not that

the king doesn’t want it, but I believe he must lead a process that would accelerate the current

pace. Otherwise it’s going to be 30 years before we reach a parliament that is able to exercise

”.true authority

The pace of reform has King Abdullah’s friends, particularly in America, worried that he is going

too slow to keep ahead of the revolutionary wave unleashed by the Arab Spring. Former

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has expressed the view, in sometimes withering fashion, that

King Abdullah was moving at too leisurely a tempo, and that Jordanians were more capable of

building idea-driven political parties than he gave them credit for. (The king argues, not

unconvincingly, that holding elections without the necessary preparatory work is

counterproductive.) The new secretary of state, John Kerry, is more supportive. Just after

taking the reins at the State Department, Kerry said he remembered the king visiting him in

1999 in Boston, where he connected Abdullah with local businesses and universities. "He was

forward-looking and economically focused at a time when so many Middle East leaders were

moving in a different direction.” Kerry also said that Abdullah "represents the people of the

region with dignity and intelligence.”Th

The stability of Jordan, and the king’s continued good health, are, of course, of great

importance to the United States. Abdullah is a prime partner (and subcontractor) in the fight

against Islamist terror, and he is the ruler of one of the rare more or less stable, pro-Western

countries in an unhinged region. Senator John McCain, one of the king’s closest allies in

Congress, told me, "This king and his father have done enormous things for us. Other

countries have helped us—but none the way Jordan has.” (When I asked McCain whether he

thought Abdullah was in danger of being overthrown like other rulers in the region have been,

he said no, but then added: "On the other hand, I didn’t think a lot of those guys were in

(”.trouble

To the Israelis, and to the gulf Arabs, he is indispensable as well. The gulf Arabs see him as a

bellwether; no monarch has yet fallen in the Arab Spring. If King Abdullah can manage a way

through, there is hope for the regimes of the Persian Gulf. "We need to be saying to the

Obama administration and the West that if you don’t support Abdullah, you are undermining

moderates across the region and you will create a region of extremists,” one gulf-state official

.told me

Israel, in some ways, is Jordan’s most important ally. As the guarantor of quiet on Israel’s

eastern front, and as the defender of the peace treaty that King Hussein forged with Yitzhak

Rabin in 1994, Abdullah’s Jordan is essential to the Israelis. Jordan and Israel are also working

together to prevent the chaos of Syria from spilling into their countries. The king would not

talk about joint Jordanian-Israeli operations, but several sources in Amman and Tel Aviv told

me that Israeli drones are monitoring the Jordan-Syria border on Jordan’s behalf, and that

military and intelligence officials from the two countries are in constant contact, planning for

.post–Bashar al‑Assad chaos

When Abdullah reached his 10th year on the throne, he told his family and friends he was tired

.of being king. "You can’t just quit,” I said. "That’s what they said,” he responded

Even as Abdullah envisions ceding more of his power, he draws one red line: "I don’t want a

government to come in and say, ‘We repudiate the peace treaty with Israel.’ ” He is cautious

when speaking about the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, with whom he is

reportedly in regular communication. He would say only that his relationship with Netanyahu is

”."very strong. Our discussions have really improved

Though he acknowledges the role Netanyahu plays in maintaining Jordanian stability, he is not

optimistic about Israel’s future. King Abdullah is known as an advocate of two states for two

peoples—Israel secure in its pre-1967 borders, Palestine to be established in Gaza and the

West Bank—but when I asked him in January how much time he thought was left to implement

this idea, his answer surprised me. "It could be too late already for the two-state solution,” he

”.said. "I don’t know. Part of me is worried that is already past us

?If it were too late, what would that mean

He responded with a single word: "Isratine.” That’s a neologism popularized by the late

Muammar Qaddafi to describe his vision of a joint Arab-Jewish state. If Israel doesn’t agree to a

Palestinian state quickly, Abdullah said, "apartheid or democracy” will be its choice. "The

practical question is, can Israel exert permanent control over Palestinians who are

disenfranchised ad infinitum, or does it eventually become a South Africa, which couldn’t

”?survive as a pariah state

There are some Israelis, I said, who value Israel more as a Jewish state than as a democratic

state. "The only way you’re going to have a Jewish part is if you have a two-state solution.

.That’s the Jewish part,” he said

I asked him whether he believed President Obama wants to work on Middle East peace.

"That’s the million-dollar question,” he said. He added that John Kerry clearly does. "We have

a second-term president,” Abdullah said, suggesting that only a president in his second term

has the maneuverability, and the experience, to oversee an effective peace process. "This is

”.the last moment. Can it be achieved in four years? Are we too late? After four years, it’s over

While uncertainty persists across Jordan’s western border, chaos and bloodletting reign

across its northern one, in Syria. As we were discussing the situation there, I asked Abdullah

this question: If 250,000 Jordanians were to surge into the streets, demanding his downfall,

?would he order his security services to shoot? Or would he abdicate

My character is, I won’t shoot,” the king said. "I don’t think we as Hashemites shoot. If you, as"

a monarch, have created a situation in which half the population rises up and wants you out,

then you’ve done something wrong.” Of course, I hadn’t asked what would happen if half the

.country rose up (Jordan’s population is 6.5 million), but I took his point

It is not unfathomable that one day a demonstration of 250,000 could occur in Jordan.

Demonstrations have erupted with some regularity there since the opening months of the Arab

Spring. Many of the demonstrators are drawn from the Palestinian-dominated Muslim

Brotherhood, but many are affiliated with the so-called herak, or "movement,” an amorphous

.collection of protest groups composed mainly of disaffected East Bankers

The king insists that he has handled these demonstrations with gentle diplomacy. Queen

Rania, he says, suggested he take a lenient approach with the protesters. "I said to take the

weapons away. I was coordinating with all the commanders about how the first demonstrations

should be handled, and Rania said, ‘You know what you should do? Hand out water and juice to

all the demonstrators—have the police hand them water.’ That was a good idea, and I called

them and said, ‘Rania’s idea is to do this.’ And the police did it. That was the flavor of the

”.demonstrations

Of course, the confrontations between demonstrators and regime defenders were not always

as benign as they may have seemed from the palace: security forces—along with mysterious

bands of self-described royalists—have confronted demonstrators with beatings and tear gas

.from time to time. Still, Amman is most definitely not Damascus

The king noted that Bashar al-Assad, the Syrian president, had, along with his loyalists, quite

obviously made the decision to open fire against demonstrators and rebels. More than 70,000

Syrians have been killed in the uprising against Assad’s rule; forces under his command have

committed unspeakable crimes against their countrymen. The danger for the entire region is

acute. Jordan is working quietly with Israel and the United States to monitor the whereabouts

of Assad’s chemical weapons. And Jordan is already being overrun by Syrian refugees—almost

400,000 as of late February. "The minute you get a Syrian coming across, there’s no way you

can turn them back and say our border is closed,” the king told me. So far he has kept his

.word, maintaining a northern border open to fleeing Syrians

He has also invited Assad’s family to Jordan, promising them protection. "I had offered a

couple of times to get his wife out,” he told me, "and they said, ‘Thank you very much, but why

” ’?don’t you worry about your country more than you worry about us

Not all that long ago, Assad was seen, along with King Abdullah and King Mohammed VI of

Morocco, as part of a trio of young, charismatic, and putatively progressive Arab leaders. In

October 2000, shortly after the eruption of the second Palestinian uprising in the West Bank

and Gaza, I attended a meeting of Arab leaders who had gathered in Cairo to ritually excoriate

Israel, and to stand publicly (if impotently) with their Palestinian brethren. The meeting was

stultifying. (Qaddafi had boycotted the session, so a great source of perverse entertainment

was missing.) But the presence of three newly ascended Arab rulers lent interest to the

proceedings: Abdullah had inherited the Hashemite throne the year before, after the death of

his father, King Hussein; Mohammed had recently been crowned king of Morocco, after the

death of his father, King Hassan; and Assad had a few months earlier inherited the presidency

of Syria from his father, Hafez al‑Assad, in much the same way the Arab royals had inherited

.their thrones

When I asked King Abdullah whether he could unravel the enigma of Bashar al‑Assad for me

he replied with an anecdote about the conference in Cairo. At the time, Assad was already

controversial; the Syrian parliament had, upon Hafez al‑Assad’s death, voted to lower the

minimum age for presidential candidates from 40 to 34—Bashar’s age at the time. Even by the

standards of Levantine power grabs, this was considered to be a gauche act. In Syria, murmurs

of discontent about the Assad family’s despotic inclinations had become audible. Abdullah says

he took it upon himself to try to coach the new Syrian president in the ways of international

statecraft. Even before the Arab League Summit, Abdullah says, he had devised a program to

help Assad elevate his reputation. "I went to visit him and I said, ‘There’s the opening of the

United Nations in September, please come—I can set up lunches and dinners,” the king

recounted. "The World Economic Forum was doing something, and I said, ‘You’ll be the belle of

’.the ball: everyone wants to meet you, you’re the new guy, you can have some interviews

And he was like, ‘There’s no need—I have Syrian businessmen who can go on my behalf and"

get the contracts and investments.’ And I was like, ‘No, when you show up at the UN, everybody

”.will come because you’re the flavor of the month.’ But he said he wouldn’t go

So, I asked, Bashar was a bit of a provincial? The king smiled, and told me about a

conversation he had at the Arab Summit. "There was a dinner with me and him and the king of

Morocco, at the king’s residence in Cairo. And so Bashar at dinner turns to us and says, ‘Can

” ’?you guys explain to me what jet lag is

”.The king arched an eyebrow at me. "He never heard of jet lag

Of course, provincialism alone can’t explain Assad’s behavior. After all, he’s not really that

provincial: he’s a physician who trained in London. "He’s a smart guy, he’s married to someone

who lived in the West,” the king conceded. But then he contrasted Assad’s upbringing with his

own. "The fathers are two very different people,” he said. "The way his father ruled Syria, and

the way my father ruled this country, and the relationship between the people and the ruler,

”.were just very different

King Hussein, Abdullah’s father, did not always rule with a weightless touch—he used crushing

force to put down the 1970 Palestinian revolt that came to be known as Black September—but

he was generally known, especially by the standards of Middle Eastern royalty, for large-

.heartedness, and for a readiness to forgive

No one would ever accuse an Assad of benevolence. Comparing the ways the Assads and the

Hashemites have wrestled with two surpassingly important challenges to Arab leaders—the

Muslim Brotherhood, on the one hand, and the existence of Israel, on the other—hints at the

.chasm of difference between the two families

The Hashemites have sometimes used the General Intelligence Department to create

dissension in the ranks of the Brotherhood; they have bought off some of the group’s leaders;

and they have made the case to Jordanians, with intermittent success, that the Muslim

Brothers are more interested in imposing the rule of fundamentalist sharia law than in making

the country more democratic. The Assads, in contrast, have traditionally taken a more direct

approach, killing Muslim Brothers in large numbers when they felt it necessary. In the most

notorious instance, in 1982, Hafez al‑Assad’s forces killed between 10,000 and 20,000 people in

.a successful attempt to put down a Muslim Brotherhood uprising in the city of Hama

Which is not to say that the Hashemites don’t harbor visceral dislike for the Brotherhood.

Abdullah expounds on that dislike to many of the Western visitors he receives—in part

because he believes his Western allies are naive about the Brotherhood’s intentions. "When

you go to the State Department and talk about this, they’re like, ‘This is just the liberals talking,

this is the monarch saying that the Muslim Brotherhood is deep-rooted and sinister.’ ” Some of

his Western interlocutors, he told me, argue that "the only way you can have democracy is

through the Muslim Brotherhood.” His job, he says, is to point out that the Brotherhood is run

by "wolves in sheep’s clothing” and wants to impose its retrograde vision of society and its

anti-Western politics on the Muslim Middle East. This, he said, is "our major fight”—to prevent

.the Muslim Brothers from conniving their way into power across the region

I’ve met Muslim Brotherhood members in Jordan who speak of Abdullah as something of an

infidel—in part because his wife keeps her hair uncovered, wears pants, and speaks in public

—but the king bridles at the idea that he is not a believer. I once asked him what it felt like to

be a direct descendant of the Prophet Muhammad. "It gives you a sense of calm,” he said.

"Obviously there’s a tremendous sense of responsibility. It makes you feel very sure of

yourself. I’m very comfortable in myself. I inherited this from my father, and he inherited it from

his father. I pray five times a day—but I don’t have to keep telling everybody that I pray five

times a day.” He then made a derisive reference to the zabiba, or "raisin,” the dark spot on the

foreheads of some devout Muslim men, created over time by pressing the head firmly into the

ground during prayer. "You see that black mark on the forehead—to show off that you pray five

times a day?” he asked. "Why do that? That’s complete nonsense. I feel like having a black

”.magic marker just to annoy people, to put a mark on my head

He became serious again. "My view of Christians and Jews, because of my father’s teachings

and the family teachings—I was always brought up to believe that they are part of the larger

”.family. Does that make sense? I don’t have that extremism

Though most of the gulf monarchs remain his allies—because they, too, fear the Muslim

Brotherhood—the king’s expansive, moderate understanding of Islam has served to isolate

him from the Arab world’s rising rulers. Tunisia is now ruled by Islamists. In Egypt, Hosni

Mubarak, a longtime Jordanian ally, has been replaced by Mohamed Morsi, a Brotherhood

leader. The king argues that a new, radical alliance is emerging—one that both complements

and rivals the Iranian-led Shia crescent. "I see a Muslim Brotherhood crescent developing in

Egypt and Turkey,” he told me. "The Arab Spring highlighted a new crescent in the process of

”.development

Abdullah is wary of Tayyip Erdogan, the Turkish prime minister, whose Justice and

Development Party is, he believes, merely promoting a softer-edged version of Islamism.

("Erdogan once said that democracy for him is a bus ride,” Abdullah reports. " ‘Once I get to my

stop, I’m getting off.’ ”) He sees Erdogan as a more restrained and more savvy version of

Mohamed Morsi, who set back Muslim Brotherhood’s cause in Egypt by making a premature

play for absolute power. "Instead of the Turkish model, taking six or seven years—being an

.Erdogan—Morsi wanted to do it overnight,” the king said

If the king is wary of Erdogan, he is decidedly unimpressed with Morsi, whom he recently met in

Riyadh, the Saudi capital. The two men were discussing the role of Hamas, the Muslim

Brotherhood’s Palestinian branch. "There is no depth there,” Abdullah told me. "I was trying to

explain to him how to deal with Hamas, how to get the peace process moving, and he was like,

‘The Israelis will not move.’ I said, ‘Listen, whether the Israelis move or don’t move, it’s how we

get Fatah and Hamas”—the two rival Palestinian factions—"together.” When Morsi remained

fixated on the Israelis ("He’s like, ‘The Israelis, the Israelis’ ”), Abdullah said, he tried to

.reiterate the importance of sorting out "the mess” on the Palestinian side

.There’s no depth to the guy,” he repeated"

Constrained by morality, disposition, and political reality, the king cannot simply jail or murder

the leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood, but he has done a creditable job of marginalizing them.

Both the Hashemites and the Muslim Brotherhood’s Islamic Action Front understood early on

that the Arab Spring would pose a sharp challenge to the continuity of Hashemite rule. In the

spring of 2011, as the Arab revolutions were beginning to unfold, I met with leaders of the

Islamic Action Front at their headquarters in Amman. They were militant—though necessarily

.somewhat oblique—in their remarks about the future of the monarchy

If you catch my son being corrupt, take him to court.” Abdullah does not want corrupt family"

.members to be able to sink him,the way the corruption of the mubaraks sunk them

Zaki Bani Rashid, the chief of the IAF’s politburo, told me that the Tunisian and Egyptian

revolutions resembled the French revolution in its viral qualities. "The French revolution

caused the end of regimes all through Europe,” he said. "The Arab-world revolutions will have

the same effect through our region.” I asked him whether this meant he was calling for the

overthrow of the Hashemites. He said, "The regime must understand that we need more

democracy and more representative rule. We want a better country.” He said this while seated

underneath a portrait of King Abdullah. Hamza Mansour, the IAF’s secretary general, said that if

.reform did not come quickly, the possibility of "social violence” would grow

The king, for his part, is certain that the Muslim Brotherhood wants to see him gone. The GID

has told him that the Brotherhood high command in Cairo is actively fomenting unrest in

Jordan. According to multiple sources, the GID claims to have intercepted communications

from Brotherhood leaders in Egypt to their Jordanian affiliates, encouraging them to boycott

elections and destabilize the country. Abdullah told me that "behind closed doors, the Muslim

Brotherhood here wants to overthrow” the government. I noted that the Brotherhood has his

portrait on the walls of their offices. "They don’t believe in the constitution of Jordan,” he

replied. "They won’t swear on the constitution. They will only swear on the constitution of the

Muslim Brotherhood. Their allegiance is to the murshid,” the supreme guide, or leader, of the

Brotherhood, who is based in Cairo. Abdullah said that when Brothers win election to

parliament, and swear to follow the text of the Jordanian constitution, they get a fatwa—a

religious ruling—stating that "you can put your hand on the Koran but what you swear on the

.Koran is nonbinding” when you’re declaring fealty to a secular document

He noted that while he won’t let anyone kiss his hand ("we don’t believe anyone should kiss my

hand, we’re all human beings”), "when you see Hamza Mansour, you see that after a speech,

”.they all come kiss his hand

Two months after the Arab Spring erupted, the king received the leaders of the Muslim

Brotherhood’s Jordanian branch in his office. "They were the first people I saw in the Arab

Spring,” he told me. "They were the loudest voice, so I brought them in, and they said, ‘Our

loyalty is to the Hashemites, and we stood with you in the ’40s and ’50s and ’70s,’ and I said,

‘That is the biggest load of crap I have ever heard.’ And they were like, ‘Aaaargh’—they were

shocked.” He recounted that he said to them, " ‘My father told me that you guys watched the

way things were going, and when you saw that my father was winning, you went with him.’ I said,

‘This is complete and utter bullshit, and if we’re going to sit here and bullshit each other, then

we might as well have a cup of tea and then say goodbye. If you want to have a serious

conversation’—we Arabs like to ass-kiss each other for the first half hour of conversation—‘if

” ’.you want to have a serious conversation, here’s where we start

The king said he outlined for the Brotherhood leaders some areas of common interest, and

then told them, "I think you’re part of the Jordanian system, and I think you should be part of

the process.” He said he told them, "I think we all leave this meeting feeling really good, but—

I’ll be honest with you—there’s 10 percent distrust from me, and 10 percent distrust from you,

”.I’m sure. But we have good vibes here

Those Brotherhood leaders went to Cairo to ask the supreme guide and other Brotherhood

leaders whether they should participate in the king’s newly established national-dialogue

committee, meant to frame a broad civic discussion about political reform. Abdullah said he had

told Hamza Mansour and two other Brotherhood leaders that he wanted an answer within a few

days. "They were in Cairo to see the murshid, and they saw Tahrir Square and the Muslim

Brotherhood. We asked Mansour, ‘Who are the three names you’re going to put on the

national-dialogue committee?’ ” No names were ventured. "I think they thought the revolution

was going to happen in Jordan, and they didn’t need to be part of the national committee,” the

”.king said. "They thought they’d won. They had decided that they had won

The Islamic Action Front has boycotted the political-reform process for the past two years, but

the boycott has not worked. In January’s parliamentary elections, voter turnout was

comparatively high, and Islamists not affiliated with the Brotherhood won several seats.

Political analysts in Amman generally agree that the Brotherhood is, at least for the moment, a

more marginal movement than it otherwise would have been. "They’ve shot themselves in the

”.foot a bit,” one of these analysts told me. "The rest of Jordan is moving on

King Abdullah is, emotionally and dispositionally, the most pro-American ruler in the Arab world.

He and his wife and children—two sons and two daughters—enjoy watching Modern Family

together; once, as prince, he made a cameo appearance on Star Trek: Voyager. In my

experience, he is happiest when talking about his years in Massachusetts, at Deerfield

Academy, the elite boarding school where he studied for several years in the 1970s. Abdullah’s

core instincts may or may not be egalitarian, but he did seem to learn something about

democracy and political equality at Deerfield, where deference to royalty was generally lacking.

Though it was known on campus that he was a prince, he was on the wrestling team, everyone

.called him "Ab,” and he bused dining-hall tables like every other student

One of Abdullah’s proudest achievements is the establishment of King’s Academy, a Deerfieldstyle prep school outside Amman. The school comprises 33 buildings, a nondenominationalاﻟﻧص اﻟﻛﺎﻣل ﻟﻠﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ اﻟﻣطوﻟﺔ ﻟﻠﻣﻠك ﻓﻲ ﻣﺟﻠﺔ أﺗﻼﻧﺗك: ﺧﺑر ﺟو-ﻧﺄﺗﯾك ﺑﺎﻟﺧﺑر اﻟﯾﻘﯾن ﻋن اﻷردن 3/20/13

www.khabarjo.net/?p=20221 23/27

chapel, vast lawns (it’s the greenest place in Jordan), and a faculty imported mainly from the

West. As he flew us from Karak to Amman in his helicopter, we passed near the campus. "It’s a

”.wonderful school,” he said. "Merit-based

While Abdullah resists the urge to spend more time than is seemly in the United States, many

summers he and a small group of friends (and a detachment of bodyguards) take an

unpublicized motorcycle trip along some remote stretch of American highway. Last summer, he

and his friends tracked the trans-Alaska pipeline as it winds its way south from Prudhoe Bay.

No one at highway truck stops recognized him, of course, which made him happy. When David

Petraeus, who was then the director of the CIA, visited him this past fall, King Abdullah

mentioned the Alaska trip in order to have some fun at the expense of the American nationalsecurity apparatus. "I said, ‘I don’t know who’s the head of Homeland Security, but I have some

real concerns for you. There was a whole bunch of AY-rabs’ ”—he stressed the first syllable in

the stereotypically redneck way—" ‘running around your pipeline, and no one stopped us.

” ’?Nobody asked us any questions at all. Who’s protecting your border

Perhaps Abdullah is so taken with the American system that, if anything, he overstates its

virtues. In his proselytizing for political reform, he holds up the United States as the Platonic

ideal. The paralysis and pettiness of Washington does not seem to have made an impression

on him. In January, I talked with him the day after he met with a group of Jordanian "youth

activists” at the palace. He explained the message he had given them. "I said, ‘You guys have

no concept of left, right, and center. In the American concept, I’m a leftist, or a Democrat, when

it comes to health, education, and taxes. I’m a Republican when it comes to … defense, okay?

That’s me as Abdullah. How does that fit into the framework of a Jordanian mentality? I want

you guys thinking like that. I don’t want you to agree with me. If you agree with me, fantastic,

that’s fine.’ In our culture, if you don’t agree with me, you start shooting each other, or at least

”.throwing our shoes at each other

Abdullah’s stated mission—when judged not against an ideal but against the pitiless realities of

his neighborhood—is of course noble. Cynics argue that he is merely masquerading as a

reformer, trying to preserve the monarchy by providing his people with only the facsimile of

change. Radicals call him conservative; conservatives call him radical. The truth is that he is

both. He is also something else: a Don Quixote. Meritocracy and democratic pluralism are not

ideas that his country is prepared to accept. This may be because the culture of Jordan is not

so plastic as he would like it to be—but it may also be that the nobility of his intentions is not

.matched by the quality of his abilities

Abdullah seems to genuinely want his people to be richer, happier, and more politically

empowered than they are now. But he also recognizes that only if Jordanians are content will

they readily agree to the perpetuation of Hashemite rule. On visits to Amman in recent months,

I noticed something new: photographs of his 18-year-old son, Crown Prince Hussein, have

proliferated in the public rooms of the palace, as they have on billboards throughout the

kingdom. As the elder of Abdullah’s two sons, Hussein is meant to inherit the throne from his

father. Over the course of our conversations, it became obvious to me that King Abdullah has

been preoccupied with ensuring a smooth transition to his son’s rule. Abdullah is only 51, but

.he is not unaware, two people close to him told me, that his father died at the age of 63

Ghabi

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Abdullah has dispatched Hussein to Washington, to be certain that he is thinking about politics

in the American manner. After several years of American-style education at King’s Academy,

.Prince Hussein is now a freshman at Georgetown University

The king told me he regrets having made Hussein crown prince so early in his life. "When I

made him crown prince, I don’t think he was very happy,” the king said. "He was 15, and I don’t

think he was happy with me at all.” But in naming Hussein crown prince early, Abdullah had

.hoped to avoid the confusion and anxiety in the kingdom that marked his father’s last days

Abdullah himself was made crown prince with very little notice, just two weeks before his

father’s death from cancer. Until then, Hussein’s hapless brother, Hassan, had been crown

prince, and Abdullah had led a largely anonymous life in the military. "Looking back at my life, I

was Forrest Gump,” he told me. "I was with my father in all the crises, but I didn’t have the

spotlight on me. I was watching and learning without having the pressures on me.” Knowing

the pressure that he imposed on his son by naming him successor to the throne produced

"huge turmoil” in Abdullah. The queen, too, says she wasn’t particularly happy about Hussein’s

elevation. "It’s a struggle for me,” she told me, "because as a mother, you want your children

to have a normal life to the extent possible, an anonymous life that is free from struggle, and

”.we know for sure that is not what we are giving him

I didn’t want to do this to a young boy,” the king said. "He’s matured a lot over the past couple"

of years. He understands the responsibility. He won’t have the life I had … As a teenager, as a

young officer, nobody was looking at me. They didn’t care who I was. I had the ability to

develop, and make friends, and see the world without having … people taking pictures of [me]

”.left, right, and center. The title is going to follow him around. So I didn’t do him any favors

The biggest favor he could do for his son now, he says, is to de-emphasize the power of the

throne. "The monarchy is going to change. When my son becomes of age and becomes king,

the system will be stabilized and … it will be a Western democracy with a constitutional

monarchy.” But, he says, "even with all the changes I’m doing here, there is still going to be a

monarchy.” Abdullah would like to see his son become a symbol of national unification, and a

source of moral guidance. He also hopes his son "is not going to have to work his butt off for

”.the rest of his life. I hope he works hard, but not with the same pressures

What Abdullah does not want is for his son to take the throne in a situation where he’s "in the

position of Bashar today.” Rather, he wants Hussein to become king of a Jordan where "the

people are happy, and they love the monarchy, just like you saw with the outpouring toward

”.Queen Elizabeth in England